President Goodluck Jonathan on Wednesday evening told Nigerians that he was not consulted before the country's electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) postponed the general elections earlier scheduled for February this year. This is against insinuations that the election postponement had some political undertone.
Jonathan, who answered questions from journalists at a special edition of his Media Chat, also expressed confidence in INEC as is currently composed and further expressed optimism that the INEC would conduct free and fair elections in the country.
Jonathan further promised that he remains resolute that a new government would be formed in May this year whether he lost or won the presidential election. He warned Nigerians against believing all stories they hear and read about his alleged plot to truncate the country's democracy.
"Let me reassure Nigerians that elections would be conducted and an inauguration would be made this year. Let them not be perturbed by statements like the President wants to send INEC chairman on a three months leave...it is better for INEC to conduct elections that we all believe to be free and fair," the President said.
He said he understood that Nigerians are concerned about the shift in the election date, but that during the Council of State meeting, "we met and discussed. They emphasised issues of security, which details they did not tell everybody. When INEC came up with the date for the election, there was no much issues until we began our campaign," he said complaining also that most people in the country do not have their Permanent Voters Cards. "In Lagos for example, only about 38 percent have their PVCs. There are some states where you have up to 68 percent and some states 38 percent and there are security implications to it," he said, adding that he wants a situation where eligible voters would be able to vote.
He said though he was not assuring that Boko Haram, being a major reason for the shift, would be totally wiped out in the six weeks demanded by the service chiefs, the government would make substantial progress in the confrontation and ensure that elections hold in the states currently being ravaged by Boko Haram.
"Adamawa, before this time, there were seven Local Governments taken over by Boko Haram. But as we talk now, it is Madagali that it left," he said promising that enough progress would be made and the internally displaced people could then go back to their villages where they can vote and that the government would build tents for those whose houses were destroyed.
Asked about what he would do differently if re-elected, President Jonathan gave the impression of not being satisfied with those currently working around him. He said would take seriously the impression people have of those working around him.
"We will need to adjust the way we do certain things because I have realised that in the society, what people assess you of is not the things you do, but how those things are done. The common things that people say is: 'oh! The President means well for this country'. Yes I mean well for this country because I am passionate about Nigeria. But they say: 'oh! People around the President are not good'.
"Then of course you must be very watchful of the actions and inaction of people around you so that they don't continue to drive the name of the government...it is not like many of them have done anything wrong, but the perception is worse...sometime you who are sitting there know the exact thing but if the perception is poor, then...
"Of course, we will manage the perception better. Most of the problems we are having is the perception. If you talk about concrete things that this government has done, I can challenge any group; if you look at the PTDF, the number of youths we are taking for technical training at the graduate level, masters and PhD, the number we have trained within this five years is more than the number we have trained from inception of that institution," he said.
Concerning the abducted Chibok girls, Jonathan promised that some of them would be recovered during this military onslaught. He however said Nigerians would begin to see the result of the confrontation from three weeks even though he does not want to make a specific promise.
He noted that it was not possible that all the abducted girls could be recovered and added that people had played much politics with the issue of the girls.
The President who confessed that he was always weighed down by the lack of support from Nigerians, noted that in other countries where terrorism reigns, people collapse political boundaries to find solutions to the challenge, but that in Nigeria, people take advantage of their contacts abroad to disgrace the country.
"Now that we are working with Chad and Cameroon, the story of the Chibok girls would get better. At least we can be able to rescue some of them. We have mapped out our configuration, just give us sometime.
"People try to misinform the world, play politics with the issue of Chibok girls. In most countries where you experience issues of terror, political boundaries collapse and people work together, but in this case, we have terror and you think the best way is to go to US and the others to celebrate.
"It is a collective responsibility. Is it by going to carry flags that you can bring back the girls? Those who have links outside used them negatively instead of positively.
"We will recover them alive. These girls have been in the hands of criminals. About 200 girls were kidnapped and you do not expect that the President would say he would bring back all the girls," he said while lamenting that some people even claim he is the one who has allowed the Boko Haram insurgency to fester.
Asked what would happen if the war against Boko Haram is not won in six weeks, the President answered: "in 2011, when we conducted elections, there was Boko Haram. Nobody is saying they must wipe out Boko Haram completely before conducting the elections. Definietly in the next six weeks or so, serious advancements would be made, we are not saying we would wipe out Boko Haram. Elections would be done."
He further lamented the rate at which politicians cross-carpet, saying it was not the best for Nigeria's politics. "In politics, there is no permanent friend or enemy but permanent interest. If you look at even the carpet crossing that is so much abused...some governors moved from the PDP to other parties and some moved to the PDP. It is not good.
"I know two presidents who have asked me what is wrong. It is because the courts have not taken a decision," he said.
Asked if this would not affect his support base, he said elections are about convincing people especially as history had shown that it is more difficult to win elections for a second term in office than in one's first term.
He also accused some unnamed politicians of instigating youths to pelt him with stones, saying it was a treasonable offence that could earn the perpetrators death, but that many of those who took part in the act were ignorant.
"You could be killed. The President is the only person that is guarded by soldiers. The Vice President is guarded by the police," he said maintaining that such actions and the provocative statements people have been making were not helping the electioneering.
He confessed that he got aggressive at the flag-off of his presidential campaign in Lagos because he was provoked by statements that the opposition had been making before that day.
Reminded that some people close to him have said there would be war if he lost, President Jonathan insisted that he was concerned about the people around the candidates. He recalled that it was the same Muhammadu Buhari, his main rival, that also contested against him in 2011 and the electioneering was not as bad as it is now.
He also insisted that the country was bigger and more important than any of their ambitions and that while other candidates could do what they liked, he cannot because he takes all the blames for whatever goes wrong including poor conduct of the elections where that happens.
"Within this campaign period, there are some instigations which are necessitated by some politicians. We are noticing some traces and no chief security would take it lightly," he noted.
Asked about the adverts of character assassination against some candidates contesting against him as well as those like chief Edwin Clark making provocative statements, President Jonathan said in most cases, he does not know those sponsoring such adverts adding that in politics, one must have friends and enemies but that for the friends, it is difficult to know what they do or say.
"One thing about politics is that you have a number of people who support you, but you do not know what they do or say. More than 80 percent of those who carry adverts about Jonathan, you may not even know," he said.
He however noted that hate speeches come from the two major candidates, "but we will do it in such a way that people do not go war. We must protect this country and those who are supporting us."
Asked why he visited churches and would not visit mosques, he said most of the pastors and churches invite him when they have events but that that it was not the same with the Muslims who prefer to invite the Vice President instead while he (President) only attends youth events but has not visited mosques because it is a purely religious issue.
Jonathan used the opportunity to clarify his much talked about controversial distinction between stealing and corruption. Jonathan who had said stealing was not corruption, said he was actually quoting a former Cheif Jistice of Nigeria, Dahiru Mustafa who had said when he checked the files, 80 percent of what people call corruption are stealing.
Explaining in details, he said many Nigerians do not know the difference and that as a result, they cover issues of stealing with the word 'corruption'. He said that in most villages and towns in the country, people saw stealing as more grievous than corruption.
"The good thing is that those who are making the statement did not say the President said stealing is good. I used that statement because I quoted Mustafa, a former ICPC chairman. Justice Mustafa said he took most of the files and more than 80 percent are just stealing. Our people hate thieves more than they hate people who are corrupt.
"If you say some people are corrupt, some people do not even know what you are talking about. A thief should be called a thief, ole should be called ole. If somebody is a thief, call him a thief. If somebody is ole, call him ole. Don't cover it with corruption. Let us communicate properly," he said adding that the ICPC is the legally authorised agency among the anti-corruption agencies that is saddled with the fight against corruption.
He also said in terms of prosecuting people, his government had achieved more conviction, "but even if you convict one million people, it won't stop it." He said the government was now making use of information technology to combat corruption just like the government had successfully done in the agricultural sector.
He disclosed that his government had not started drawing the $1b loan approved for security and the issue of the $9.3 billion seized by the South African government was in court. He said money had been paid to the company for the supply of arms and ammunition but that the company did not handle the cash well. He however said the arms for which the money was paid had been delivered.
The President further explained that the US refused to sell arms and hardware to Nigeria because of human rights concerns but that Nigeria was dealing with other countries even though some of the hardware were not as powerful as the ones needed for the battle.
He insisted that his government would not stay more than May 29 if he lost the forthcoming election. He however said the campaigns would continue since the elections had been postponed.
Concerning the failed ceasefire with the Boko Haram, the President said it was not that the government was swindled, but that though people actually met with the government, the Boko Haram seemed divided and factionalised, that was the reason the negotiation did not work.
Asked to assess Buhari, he said it was not a fair demand since they were both contesting for the same position.
"If I should assess Buhari, it is not fair of me. I think the garbage on me is much more than the one on Buhari. I don't even have the time to do social media. Some of the things I have observed I feel sad...I remember that the APC started their campaigns before me. If you listen to the way I spoke in Lagos, I was a bit aggressive because of the statements that have been made," he said.
Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has reportedly asked the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Lagos Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), Dr Muyiwa Gbadegesin, to resign amid growing concerns over the accumulation of refuse across the state.
The reported move follows mounting complaints about waste collection, with heaps of garbage littering roads, residential areas and drainage channels in several communities.
An unnamed source within the agency disclosed that the governor had become dissatisfied with the pace of waste evacuation and the implementation of his directives to address the situation.
According to the source, the governor's frustration reportedly intensified following his visit to the Olusosun Dumpsite in Ojota about a month ago, where he assessed operations and called for urgent measures to improve waste management.
Despite the directive and the subsequent declaration of a state of emergency on waste management, the source claimed that the governor remained concerned about the limited visible progress.
The source further alleged that Sanwo-Olu asked Gbadegesin to resign over the weekend, adding that the LAWMA chief had reportedly been seeking the intervention of influential figures in Lagos to retain his position.
Refuse Accumulation Raises Sanitation Concerns
Residents in several parts of Lagos have continued to experience waste collection challenges, with refuse reportedly accumulating along major roads, medians, residential streets and drainage channels.
Affected areas include Mushin, Egbeda, Surulere, Ajegunle, Ikorodu, Ojo, Obalende, Apapa and Mile 2.
The situation has raised concerns about environmental sanitation, public health risks and the potential impact on businesses and daily activities.
The state government had earlier announced emergency measures to tackle the problem and improve waste collection across the metropolis.
In September, Sanwo-Olu declared a state of emergency on waste management following an inspection of the Olusosun Dumpsite. The visit was attended by Deputy Governor Dr Obafemi Hamzat and other stakeholders in the waste management sector.
During the inspection, the governor acknowledged delays in waste evacuation and attributed some of the challenges to the failure of Private Sector Participation (PSP) operators to meet their obligations in recent weeks.
He also identified fires at dumpsites and ongoing waste-compaction projects as factors affecting operational efficiency.
According to the governor, the completion of projects at the Olusosun and Solous 3 dumpsites would increase their capacity, allowing each facility to receive approximately 450 trucks of municipal waste daily.
The planned improvements are expected to strengthen disposal operations and support more efficient waste collection by PSP operators.
LAWMA Reports Progress in Clearance Operations
Amid growing concerns over the waste situation, Gbadegesin announced on Saturday that clearance operations had recorded progress in several locations across Lagos.
In an update shared on his X account, the LAWMA chief said Mile 2 had been cleared, while three additional trucks had been deployed to Doyin-Orile and surrounding communities.
He also reported continued daily waste collection along Ijesha Road and Itire–Ikate, clearance operations at Bucknor–Ijegun, and ongoing collection activities in Ogolonto and Igbokusu.
According to the update, Okeira and Oluodo had been placed under interim LAWMA services following the termination of their PSP arrangements, while clearance operations continued at Iraye.
However, the agency was still awaiting field updates from four routes: Apapa, Abesan Estate, Idimu–Ejigbo Road and the Isheri–Igando corridor.
Gbadegesin said the agency's objective was to move beyond emergency clearance operations and establish consistent waste collection to prevent refuse from accumulating again in areas that had already been cleared.
Government Yet to Confirm Reported Resignation Request
As of the time of reporting, there had been no official confirmation of the alleged resignation request.
Efforts to obtain a response from Lagos State Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotosho, were unsuccessful, as an aide said the commissioner was attending a meeting and advised that contact be made later.
Gbadegesin was reappointed as LAWMA managing director by Sanwo-Olu following the governor's re-election.
The reported development comes as the state government faces continued pressure to address waste collection challenges and improve environmental sanitation.
Whether the alleged resignation request will result in a leadership change remains unclear, while residents continue to await sustained improvements in refuse evacuation across Lagos.
News
Ayobami Oyalowo, Executive Director of Finance and Administration at the Ogun-Oshun River Basin Authority, has said reforms implemented under Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Olayemi Cardoso have improved the foreign exchange market, strengthened external reserves and enhanced the resilience of the banking sector.
Assessing Cardoso’s three-year tenure, Oyalowo said the apex bank had shifted towards a more orthodox monetary policy framework, prioritising price stability, market discipline and stronger financial sector supervision.
Cardoso assumed office in September 2023 amid significant economic challenges, including foreign exchange market distortions, declining external buffers and rising inflation. Headline inflation stood at 25.80 per cent in August 2023, while multiple exchange rates, foreign currency shortages and accumulated foreign exchange obligations weakened business confidence.
According to Oyalowo, the reforms marked a departure from the CBN’s extensive involvement in intervention programmes across sectors such as agriculture, aviation and power.
He recalled that Cardoso disclosed at the November 2023 Annual Bankers’ Dinner that the CBN had injected more than ₦10 trillion into the economy through various intervention programmes.
Oyalowo said the scale of the interventions raised concerns about excess liquidity, policy effectiveness and the central bank’s involvement in activities that could be better handled by fiscal authorities and development finance institutions.
“The economic significance of this shift lies in restoring consistency between the CBN’s objectives and its policy instruments,” he said.
Forex Market Reforms and Reserve Growth
Oyalowo identified the foreign exchange market as one of the major areas affected by the reforms, following years of multiple exchange rates, restricted access to foreign currency and accumulated obligations.
He said the CBN’s measures were designed to improve price discovery, enhance liquidity and rebuild confidence in the official market.
Among the key initiatives, he highlighted the Electronic Foreign Exchange Matching System, introduced in December 2024, and the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Code, launched in January 2025. Both measures were aimed at improving transparency, accountability and market conduct.
He also pointed to the settlement of verified foreign exchange obligations from an inherited backlog estimated at $7 billion, noting that the move helped address concerns among international investors, airlines and multinational companies over capital repatriation and legitimate financial claims.
However, Oyalowo acknowledged that the adjustment came at a significant economic cost, including sharp naira depreciation, higher import costs, increased production expenses for manufacturers and mounting pressure on household purchasing power.
On external reserves, he said Nigeria’s gross foreign exchange reserves increased from approximately $33 billion when Cardoso assumed office to about $55 billion in October 2026.
He added that net external reserves had risen to approximately $46 billion, compared with $34.80 billion at the end of 2025 and $3.99 billion at the end of 2023, citing figures disclosed by the CBN.
Oyalowo also referenced the CBN’s 2025 Annual Report, which showed that aggregate foreign exchange inflows rose by 13.81 per cent to $109.86 billion in 2025, from $96.53 billion in 2024.
Net foreign exchange inflows stood at $60.81 billion, while autonomous sources accounted for approximately 64 per cent of total inflows.
He described the growing contribution of autonomous sources as significant, explaining that private-sector inflows, export earnings and remittances could provide a more sustainable supply of foreign exchange than administrative allocation.
Improved Credit Outlook and Investor Confidence
Oyalowo further cited improvements in Nigeria’s international credit assessments as evidence of renewed confidence in the country’s economic direction.
He noted that S&P Global upgraded Nigeria’s sovereign credit rating from ‘B−’ to ‘B’ with a Stable Outlook in May 2026. Fitch Ratings also affirmed Nigeria’s ‘B’ rating in October 2026 and revised its outlook from Stable to Positive.
He said Nigeria’s return to the FTSE Russell Frontier Market classification in September 2026 reflected improvements in foreign exchange market accessibility and capital repatriation.
Despite these developments, Oyalowo acknowledged that Nigeria’s sovereign credit ratings remained below investment grade.
He also cited National Bureau of Statistics data showing that capital importation increased to $23.22 billion in 2025, compared with $12.32 billion in 2024.
Portfolio investment accounted for approximately $19.74 billion, representing 85 per cent of total capital importation, while foreign direct investment stood at about $923 million.
According to him, the figures indicated renewed investor interest but underscored the need to attract more long-term capital into manufacturing, infrastructure, energy and technology.
Inflation, Interest Rates and Household Pressures
On inflation, Oyalowo said the CBN had maintained a restrictive monetary policy stance through higher interest rates and liquidity management measures.
He noted that headline inflation moderated to 15.39 per cent in August 2026, from 15.43 per cent in July and 25.80 per cent in August 2023.
However, he cautioned that the rebasing of the Consumer Price Index in 2025 meant historical inflation comparisons needed to be interpreted carefully.
“Moreover, lower inflation does not mean prices have returned to previous levels,” he said, stressing that households continued to bear the cumulative effects of earlier price increases.
He added that while tighter monetary policy could help contain inflationary pressures, high borrowing costs had made it more expensive for businesses to access credit, potentially constraining investment and economic expansion.
Bank Recapitalisation Strengthens Financial Sector
Oyalowo also highlighted the CBN’s banking sector recapitalisation programme, introduced in March 2024, as a major component of the reforms.
The programme raised minimum capital requirements to ₦500 billion for commercial banks with international authorisation, ₦200 billion for national banks and ₦50 billion for regional banks.
By March 2026, he said, 33 banks had met the revised requirements, collectively raising ₦4.65 trillion in fresh capital.
Domestic investors contributed 72.55 per cent of the capital raised, while international investors accounted for 27.45 per cent.
According to Oyalowo, the recapitalisation exercise had strengthened banks’ capacity to absorb financial shocks and finance larger transactions.
However, he emphasised that increased capital must be supported by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending practices.
“Stronger balance sheets must be accompanied by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending,” he said.
He noted that the challenge for policymakers was to balance financial sector resilience with affordable access to credit, particularly for businesses operating under restrictive monetary conditions.
CBN, Finance Ministry Deepen Policy Coordination
Oyalowo identified the September 18, 2026, Memorandum of Understanding between the CBN and the Federal Ministry of Finance as another important development.
He said the agreement established a framework for closer coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities, covering government cash management, debt issuance planning, liquidity forecasting and macroeconomic analysis.
According to him, the arrangement could reduce the risk of fiscal and monetary policies working at cross-purposes, particularly where government borrowing and spending influence inflation, liquidity conditions and access to credit.
He added that the framework recognised the structural factors driving inflation in Nigeria, including food supply constraints, energy costs, transportation and logistics expenses.
Consolidating the Gains of Reform
Three years into Cardoso’s tenure, Oyalowo said the CBN had recorded measurable changes in foreign exchange market accessibility, external reserves, banking sector capitalisation and investor participation.
He maintained that the governor’s emphasis on monetary orthodoxy had provided the apex bank with a clearer institutional direction, while acknowledging the economic costs associated with the adjustment process.
He stressed, however, that sustaining the gains would require consistent policies, stronger productive investment and measures to ease the pressure on households and businesses.
“The next responsibility is to consolidate these reforms, preserve the gains in macroeconomic stability and create conditions for stronger productive investment, more affordable credit and improved living standards,” Oyalowo said.
Business
In The Spotlight
While delivering the 2026 edition of the Annual Omolayole Management Lecture, President, Chartered Institute of Directors and immediate past Managing Director of 11 PLC, formerly Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, Adetunji Oyebanji, presented President Bola Tinubu with something to think about.
He declared, “Based on a 2025 normal Gross Domestic Product baseline of approximately US$290.79bn, Nigeria would need to sustain a compound growth rate of approximately 28.02 per cent over the five-year period from 2026 to 2030” to achieve the $1tn economy.
He added, “This rate far exceeds Nigeria’s historical performance and underscores the scale of economic expansion required,” and “Rather than serving as a forecast, this calculation establishes the benchmark against which future economic performance may be assessed.”
As if the priest spoke and thunder rumbled, Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that Nigeria’s year-on-year GDP growth rate for the second quarter of 2026 was 4.43 per cent, while the World Bank projected 4.3 per cent growth rate for Nigeria in 2026, up from nearly 4.0 per cent recorded for 2025.
As Oyebanji observed, Nigeria’s economy experienced low growth rates and reversals in the last decade: from 2.65 per cent in 2015, to -1.62 per cent contraction in 2016, a modest 2 per cent rebound in 2017, another reversal, of -1.79 per cent occasioned by Covid-19 in 2020, to a positive rebound of 3.87, or nearly 4, per cent in 2025.
If anyone says President Tinubu has a yeoman’s job ahead of him, they’re spot on. And if he merely coveted the $1tn economy by faith and not with data, it would appear that the President is planning to fail.
And somebody should tell the Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Customs Service, Adewale Adeniyi, who pledged to support the President’s ambition to build the $1tn economy, not to confuse government revenue with a country’s economy.
Oyebanji recognised “governance as the central determinant of success” in the $1tn economy quest, and identified oil, gas and energy; agriculture and agro-processing; manufacturing and industrial development; technology, digital economy and innovation; infrastructure; solid minerals; and services and the creative industry as the sectoral drivers.
But it appears that only the digital, mineral resources mining, service and creative sectors can thrive in the current Nigerian economic environment, and the real sector, agriculture and manufacturing, that produce the strategic consumer goods that are mostly imported at the moment, cannot thrive yet.
The governance structures that Oyebanji suggests for the takeoff of the $1tn economy are macroeconomic stability through disciplined fiscal and monetary policies, consistency of policies, rapid investment in infrastructure and nifty tinkering with the economic environment.
These are the direct opposites of the current negatives: power supply deficit, infrastructure gap, inefficiency in the oil sector, an unstable foreign exchange rate, a low tax-to-GDP rate, insecurity, policy inconsistencies and a huge human capital deficit that compromise the capacity of the real sector and even the service industry.
If the President really wants the $1tn economy to become a reality in 2030, he should review Oyebanji’s perspectives, data and prescriptions and seek competent economists, management and financial planning experts to help him articulate a clear path to achieving this laudable economic prosperity.
Some experts, convinced he may not achieve his objective within the period he has earmarked, think he could at least set himself on the way by making ambitious efforts in electricity, security and logistics, including extensive road, railway, water and air travel networks.
Nigeria’s current electricity generating capacity is somewhere between 4,500 and 5,400 megawatts, whereas it is projected that Nigeria probably needs to generate anywhere between 20,000 and 28,000 megawatts for its 230 million population.
Some even argue that 28,000 megawatts of electricity won’t service the population of Nigeria that is projected to increase to 262 or 270 million by the magical 2030 that the President has set as a deadline for the $1tn economy.
If the electricity infrastructure is not addressed pointedly by the Federal and the state governments that have now been enabled by the transfer of electricity from the Exclusive Federal List to the Concurrent List of the Nigerian Constitution, the economy will not lift off as expected.
The declaration by the Nigerian Constitution that security and the welfare of the people of Nigeria is Job Number One of government confirms the nexus or relationship between public security, public order and the nation’s economic wellbeing.
The classic definition of the state, which is the final, supreme, absolute coercive power within a political realm, speaks to the place of the state, whose public face is the government, as both the arbiter and safeguard of the lives and economic livelihoods of the citizens of a country.
The current inability of the state or the government, which is supposed to have a monopoly on police and military force within the country, is consistently having a negative impact on the security and the economies of the North-East, North-West, North-Central and some corridors of Southern Nigeria.
The rural areas, where insurgency, terrorism, banditry, herder-farmer clashes, and kidnapping have become rampant, are unsafe for lives and unconducive for the farmers who produce the food consumed by the citizens and the cash crops that provide the raw materials for the growth of agro-allied and chemical industries.
Maybe it bears repeating that in addition to preventing harvests from the farms, insecurity is disrupting the transportation of food to the dining tables of Nigerian homes, as well as the cash crops that provide the raw materials for Nigerian industries.
The third basic aspect of the Nigerian economy that the President must take a long, hard look at, if he really wants to make the $1tn economy a reality, is logistics, which is already taking a beating from the insecurity running through most of Nigeria.
The Federal Government must find the funds and speed up the completion of Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road, the Sokoto-Badagry Expressway, the Calabar-Abuja Superhighway and additional longitudinal and lateral highways to link Nigerian farms, industries and homes.
No one can deny that roads encourage the founding and development of modern communities that later become metropolises. Look at the organic growth of urban communities from the Berger end of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway to the Shagamu Interchange.
To prepare for the heavy lifting necessary to realise the $1tn economy, President Tinubu needs to study and take the best of the railway systems of America, which has the longest rail network in the world; China, with the largest high-speed rail network; Russia, the leader in heavy freight; and India, with the highest passenger rail network.
Cargo airports are more than necessary for quick evacuation of fresh agricultural produce from the farm gates to the urban centres where they will be consumed fresh or converted into raw materials for the agro-allied industries.
The President must find a way to harness the strength of Nigeria’s inland rivers not only to generate hydroelectric power, but also as an integral part of a transportation network that will include roads, railways and airports.
If electricity, security and logistics are taken care of, it shouldn’t be too difficult for the $1tn economy to take off organically.
By Lekan Sote
In The Spotlight
There is a question President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must answer before the 2027 presidential election: if he wants another four years in Aso Rock, why should Nigerians not expect him to stand before them, state by state, and defend his record?
His decision not to accompany his campaign team to every state has ignited a political storm, drawing criticism from opposition leaders, activists and ordinary citizens, while others insist that governance must not grind to a halt because of electioneering. The President argues that Nigeria’s pressing needs demand his attention and that members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Council can carry his message to voters nationwide.
That argument is not entirely without merit. A sitting president has constitutional responsibilities that do not disappear during an election campaign. Government must function, security must be addressed, and the business of the nation must continue.
But there is a dangerous flaw in the President’s position: governance is not an escape route from accountability, and a campaign surrogate is no substitute for the candidate whose record is on trial.
Tinubu is not seeking a ceremonial extension of his stay in office. He is asking Nigerians to entrust him with another four years of power. That request demands more than carefully choreographed rallies, rehearsed speeches and party loyalists singing his praises. It demands answers.
What has happened to the promises made in 2023? What tangible relief have millions of struggling households received? How should Nigerians assess the consequences of petrol subsidy removal and naira reforms? What is the administration’s scorecard on electricity, food prices, employment, insecurity and the cost of living?
These are not questions that can be wished away by delegating campaign appearances to governors and party leaders. They are questions that belong to the President.
THE PEOPLE ARE NOT FOOLS
Across the country, the mood is unmistakable: Nigerians want to be heard. From the trader counting the dwindling contents of her purse to the worker whose salary struggles to survive the month, from the farmer threatened by insecurity to the young graduate searching desperately for employment, the public is entitled to demand a reckoning.
For many citizens, the election will not be an abstract contest of political slogans. It will be a verdict on their lived experience.
That is why Tinubu’s proposed absence from some campaign stops has struck such a sensitive nerve. To his critics, it suggests an unwillingness to confront public anger. Some have questioned his physical fitness; others believe he may be reluctant to defend his administration’s performance. These are allegations, not established facts. The President’s decision alone does not prove that he is unwell or afraid of voters.
Nevertheless, he should understand the political consequences of leaving such questions unanswered. In politics, a vacuum rarely remains empty. Suspicion rushes in where explanation is absent.
If the President is physically capable of discharging his duties, he should have no reason to leave Nigerians guessing about his willingness to engage them. If health or other legitimate considerations constrain his campaign schedule, he should communicate his plans clearly. Nigerians deserve honesty, not speculation.
Silence may be convenient, but it is a poor campaign strategy.
GOVERNANCE IS NOT A SHIELD
The argument that the President must remain focused on governance sounds reasonable. Indeed, Nigeria cannot afford a government that abandons its responsibilities whenever politicians hit the campaign trail.
But the same argument raises another question: what exactly is the President doing with the time he saves by skipping campaign stops, and how will Nigerians see the benefits?
If governance is the priority, then the evidence should be visible in improved security, greater economic stability, reliable electricity, better access to essential services and a meaningful reduction in the hardship confronting ordinary families.
The President cannot invoke the demands of governance as a shield against political scrutiny while asking the same citizens to renew his mandate. The two responsibilities are not mutually exclusive. A president can govern and explain his governance. He can attend to national business and still make himself available to voters.
Nor should the APC confuse the ability to organise rallies with the ability to win public confidence. Party machinery can mobilise crowds. Governors can deliver speeches. Spokespersons can defend policy. But none of them can erase the consequences of decisions taken by the President.
The mandate belongs to Tinubu. So does the responsibility to defend it.
THE OPPOSITION MUST DO MORE THAN SHOUT
Opposition figures, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have seized on the President’s position to question his commitment to accountability. The Labour Party and the Makinde/Daura Presidential Campaign Organisation have also criticised the plan.
Their central argument—that a president seeking re-election should personally defend his record—is persuasive. But criticism alone is not a credible alternative to leadership.
The opposition must do more than exploit public frustration. It must present workable policies, credible economic proposals, a serious security strategy and a clear plan for restoring public confidence. Nigerians deserve alternatives, not merely louder accusations.
Claims about poverty, economic failure, insecurity and government performance should be supported by verifiable evidence, not inflated for political effect. A campaign that demands accountability from the incumbent must be prepared to practise it itself.
Democracy suffers when the ruling party evades scrutiny. It suffers equally when opposition parties substitute rhetoric for substance.
THE PRESIDENCY IS NOT A PARTY HEADQUARTERS
There is another troubling issue in this controversy: the use of the Presidential Villa for the inauguration of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
The Presidency is a public institution, not the private property of a political party. The President is entitled to lead his party and campaign for re-election, but the distinction between official state functions and partisan political activities must remain clear.
Public institutions must not be made to appear subordinate to party interests. The symbolism matters, particularly in a democracy where public trust is already under pressure. The appropriate rules governing the use of official premises and public resources must be respected without exception.
The President should set the standard, not leave Nigerians wondering whether the lines between state and party have become dangerously blurred.
FACE THE PEOPLE
Tinubu is under no obligation to conduct an exhausting, state-by-state campaign simply to satisfy political theatrics. Campaign schedules must accommodate legitimate security, administrative and personal considerations. No responsible editorial judgment should demand that a president jeopardise his health or neglect urgent national duties for the sake of appearances.
But there is a difference between not visiting every state and refusing to account for one's stewardship.
The President can publish a transparent record of his administration’s achievements and failures. He can hold substantive town halls, grant unscripted interviews, answer questions from citizens and journalists, and ensure that his campaign team presents verifiable evidence rather than political slogans. He can also visit a representative cross-section of states while explaining clearly why other stops may not be possible.
What he cannot reasonably expect is that Nigerians will accept delegation as a substitute for accountability.
Ultimately, the 2027 election must be about more than who can draw the biggest crowd or deliver the most electrifying speech. It must be about performance, policy, integrity and the willingness to answer difficult questions.
Tinubu has the right to seek another term. Nigerians have an even more fundamental right to scrutinise that ambition.
A second-term mandate is not a gift to be collected. It is a verdict to be earned.
The President should therefore face the nation with candour, defend his record with evidence and explain why he deserves another four years. If his achievements speak for themselves, let him present them. If his policies have delivered the promised gains, let him demonstrate them. If mistakes have been made, let him acknowledge them and explain what he intends to do differently.
No surrogate can do this convincingly on his behalf.
In the final analysis, the campaign may belong to the APC, but the verdict belongs to Nigerians. Their hardship cannot be delegated. Their questions cannot be outsourced. And their votes cannot be commanded.
Tinubu must face the people—not because every campaign rally is sacred, but because accountability is.


