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As millions of Nigerians struggle with soaring living costs, unemployment and deepening economic pressures, the reported distribution of seven brand-new 2026 Toyota Land Cruiser Prado SUVs to APC youth leaders has ignited a fierce debate over political priorities, campaign spending and the meaning of youth empowerment.

Seven luxury SUVs. An estimated ₦1.12 billion. And a country where millions of citizens are struggling to make ends meet.

That is the striking contrast confronting Nigerians following the announcement by Dayo Israel, the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Youth Leader, that he had presented brand-new 2026 Toyota Land Cruiser Prado SUVs to selected youth leaders to support election mobilisation ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The announcement, made on X, immediately raised questions about the scale of the expenditure, the source of the funding and the message the ruling party is sending to young Nigerians at a time of widespread economic anxiety.

Israel expressed gratitude to First Lady Oluremi Tinubu for her continued support for the party’s youth structure.

“Today, I presented a brand new 2026 Prado to my committed selected youth leaders to aid their election mobilisation activities,” he wrote.

He also declared that the APC would demonstrate its political strength during the coming election season, promising to deliver “polling unit by polling unit”.

The message was unmistakable: the party is gearing up for 2027, and its mobilisation machinery is already being assembled.

But beyond the political symbolism and the gleaming new vehicles lies a more uncomfortable question: what does a billion-naira fleet of luxury SUVs say about political priorities in a country where many young people are struggling to secure jobs, finance businesses or afford basic necessities?

 Seven SUVs, more than ₦1 billion

The figures are staggering.

According to prices listed on the Nigerian website of Toyota's authorised distributor, CFAO Mobility, the 2.4-litre turbo-petrol Adventure version of the Land Cruiser Prado costs approximately ₦160 million, while the Premium version is listed at ₦190 million.

At the Adventure price, seven vehicles would cost about ₦1.12 billion.

At the Premium price, the bill would rise to approximately ₦1.33 billion.

These are estimates based on advertised retail prices, not confirmed figures for the vehicles presented by Israel. Their exact specifications and actual purchase costs have not been independently established.

Nevertheless, the estimates provide a sense of the financial scale involved.

Using a reported Central Bank of Nigeria exchange rate of ₦1,329.51 to the dollar on September 25, 2026, the estimated ₦1.12 billion translates to roughly $842,000.

At the Premium price, the seven vehicles would be worth approximately $1 million.

The figures are estimates, not proof of the amount actually spent. And the announcement does not establish who paid for the vehicles, whether they were purchased by the party, donated privately or financed through another arrangement.

That distinction is important.

There is currently no established evidence in the announcement that public funds were used to acquire the SUVs. Nor does the statement provide enough information to determine the identity of the funder or the precise financial arrangements behind the presentation.

Yet the absence of those details makes transparency even more important.

Who financed the vehicles? Were they purchased outright or donated? What criteria determined which youth leaders received them? And what mechanisms will ensure that the vehicles are used for the stated purpose of election mobilisation?

These are legitimate questions about a high-value political expenditure, particularly when the recipients belong to the youth structure of the party controlling the federal government.

 Election mobilisation or a display of political privilege?

Political parties need resources to organise campaigns. Vehicles can help officials travel, coordinate volunteers, attend meetings and reach communities that might otherwise be difficult to access.

Providing transport to campaign officials is not, in itself, evidence of wrongdoing.

The controversy lies in the scale of the reported investment and the broader economic circumstances in which it has occurred.

For many young Nigerians, the struggle is not about choosing between a luxury SUV and another premium vehicle. It is about finding a job, paying rent, securing affordable transportation, raising business capital or keeping a small enterprise alive amid rising costs.

Against that backdrop, seven high-value SUVs intended for political mobilisation inevitably invite questions about whose needs receive priority and what the ruling party considers an effective investment in young people.

The APC's youth leadership operates within the political organisation supporting President Bola Tinubu's administration. Its activities therefore attract scrutiny beyond ordinary party logistics, especially when they are presented as part of preparations for another presidential election.

The question is not whether campaign officials deserve transportation.

It is whether the scale of political spending is matched by a comparable commitment to expanding economic opportunities for the millions of young Nigerians whose support political parties seek.

What else could ₦1.12 billion achieve?

Consider the alternatives.

At an estimated cost of ₦1.12 billion, the money represented by the seven vehicles could equal:

- 11,200 grants of ₦100,000 for aspiring entrepreneurs.
- 1,120 grants of ₦1 million for small businesses requiring greater start-up capital.
- 16,000 monthly wage payments of ₦70,000, using Nigeria's national minimum wage as a benchmark.

These are illustrative comparisons, not claims that distributing money alone would solve unemployment or guarantee sustainable businesses. Effective empowerment programmes require careful beneficiary selection, training, oversight, access to markets and mechanisms to prevent waste.

But the comparisons expose the opportunity cost of expensive political investments.

A young graduate searching endlessly for employment might see a different kind of hope in a credible job-creation programme. A trader struggling to expand a business might benefit from affordable credit. A skilled young person with a viable business idea might need equipment and training more than another political rally.

The seven Prados may improve the mobility of their recipients. They do not, by themselves, create jobs, lower food prices, expand vocational training or provide affordable credit to young people outside the party's political network.

Those challenges require action from government, financial institutions, employers and other stakeholders.

But for a ruling party seeking another mandate, the contrast between the resources devoted to election mobilisation and the economic difficulties facing ordinary citizens is difficult to ignore.

Opposition voices question APC's priorities

The announcement has drawn criticism from political opponents, who argue that the reported expenditure highlights a disconnect between the ruling party's political preparations and the hardship confronting Nigerians.

An African Democratic Congress (ADC) chieftain, Samuel Ede, said the development raised serious questions about the party's priorities.

“At a time when millions of Nigerians are battling hunger, unemployment and rising living costs, the APC is preparing for 2027 with seven luxury SUVs worth an estimated ₦1.12 billion. This raises serious questions about the party’s priorities. Nigerian youths need jobs, opportunities and economic relief, not just political mobilisation ahead of elections,” he said.

Political analyst Sunday Tukur also questioned what the vehicles would achieve beyond their stated electoral purpose.

“The question Nigerians should be asking is what seven Prados worth an estimated ₦1.12 billion will achieve beyond electoral mobilisation. That amount could support meaningful youth empowerment initiatives if properly invested. Political parties have a right to organise for elections, but the contrast between luxury campaign spending and the economic hardship facing ordinary Nigerians deserves serious scrutiny,” he said.

Their comments reflect a wider debate over whether political parties should be judged solely by their ability to build campaign structures or also by the economic vision they offer citizens.

The APC could argue that an effective mobilisation network is essential to electoral competition. Critics, however, contend that the scale of the reported expenditure deserves explanation in a country where economic insecurity remains a central public concern.

Neither argument eliminates the need for transparency about the vehicles' funding and intended use.

 Economic hardship meets political extravagance

The controversy has unfolded against a difficult economic backdrop.

A Reuters report published in August 2026 highlighted continuing cost-of-living pressures in Nigeria despite signs of improving investor confidence. The report cited World Bank estimates indicating that more than half of Nigerians lived in poverty in 2025, compared with approximately 42 per cent in 2022.

Those figures provide important context for understanding why the announcement has attracted such strong reactions.

For households struggling with food bills, transport fares, rent and other essentials, the image of brand-new luxury SUVs being distributed for political activities can become a symbol of the distance between the political establishment and everyday economic realities.

The vehicles are not proof that government funds were misused. But the announcement has reopened a difficult debate about the relationship between political power, wealth and the expectations placed on leaders during a period of economic strain.

And because the vehicles are intended to support election mobilisation, the timing makes the questions even more pointed.

As the 2027 campaign season approaches, political parties will be seeking votes, loyalty and public confidence. Their spending decisions will inevitably become part of the wider conversation about what they prioritise and how they intend to govern.

Nigerians react: “What is this?”

On X, the announcement triggered a wave of criticism, with some users drawing sharp comparisons between the luxury vehicles and the financial difficulties confronting ordinary Nigerians.

Political commentator Kayode Ogundamisi questioned the symbolism of the presentation, arguing that it reflected a widening disconnect between the ruling party's political elite and citizens enduring economic hardship.

He wrote:

“For context, @dayoisrael is the youth leader of Nigeria’s ruling APC, the same party whose president, Tinubu, is asking Nigerians to endure more suffering.

“When a party’s youth leader can donate multiple Prados to party loyalists, you begin to understand why more Nigerians are turning against Tinubu and the APC.”

Ogundamisi also questioned the broader culture of political gift-giving and the display of wealth by influential figures associated with the ruling establishment.

Other reactions were more confrontational, with critics accusing the party of prioritising electoral machinery over the needs of struggling citizens.

One X user questioned the contrast between calls for ordinary Nigerians to engage in small-scale economic activities and the distribution of luxury vehicles to political operatives.

The user wrote:

“These are the issues. Remi Tinubu asked our mothers and us to go and be frying Ankara, roasted corn and kulikuli, but APC National Youth Leader, Dayo Israel, presented a brand-new 2026 Prado SUV to APC youth leaders for election mobilisation activities.”

Another user expressed disbelief over the announcement, writing:

“You’re a disgrace, Dayo Israel. For one moment, I thought these were ambulances for FMC, Abeokuta. What is this?”

Other comments contained partisan accusations and calls for political change ahead of 2027. Such statements reflect the views of individual users and should not be treated as evidence of wrongdoing or as a measure of nationwide public opinion.

Still, the intensity of the reactions illustrates how quickly a political spending announcement can become a wider debate about economic hardship, fairness and accountability.

 The questions APC must answer

For all the anger and political rhetoric surrounding the presentation, the central issues remain straightforward.

The public deserves clarity about the source of funding, the actual purchase price, the specifications of the vehicles and the conditions attached to their use.

The APC should also explain how the distribution fits into its broader youth engagement strategy and what measurable benefits its political activities are expected to deliver.

If the vehicles were privately funded, transparent disclosure could help clarify that point. If they were purchased with party resources, the party could explain the expenditure in the context of its campaign budget.

And if the presentation is being promoted as an example of support for young people, the party should be prepared to explain how that support extends beyond the selected recipients to the much larger population of young Nigerians outside its political structure.

These questions do not presume that the expenditure was unlawful. They recognise that large political expenditures, especially those publicly associated with election mobilisation, deserve scrutiny.

Seven Prados cannot answer the bigger question

Ultimately, the controversy is about more than seven vehicles.

It is about the kind of political priorities Nigerians see as the country moves towards another general election.

For the APC, the Prados may represent a practical investment in campaign organisation, intended to strengthen its presence across polling units and improve coordination among youth leaders.

For critics, the estimated ₦1.12 billion cost represents a troubling contrast between the resources available to political operatives and the challenges confronting young people who need jobs, affordable credit, skills and economic opportunities.

Both the stated purpose of the vehicles and the questions raised by their distribution deserve to be examined on the available evidence.

The critical issue is whether political mobilisation is accompanied by a credible commitment to improving the lives of the citizens whose votes political parties seek.

As 2027 approaches, Nigerians will be weighing campaign promises against economic realities, political displays against policy outcomes, and declarations of youth empowerment against the opportunities actually available to young people.

Seven luxury SUVs can transport party officials across the country. They can support meetings, campaigns and electoral coordination.

But they cannot, on their own, answer the questions of an unemployed graduate, finance a struggling entrepreneur or relieve a household burdened by rising living costs.

The APC has signalled its readiness to mobilise for 2027. The bigger test is whether its vision for young Nigerians extends beyond the campaign trail—and whether it can demonstrate, with measurable results, how its promises translate into better lives for the people it hopes to represent.

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Ayobami Oyalowo, Executive Director of Finance and Administration at the Ogun-Oshun River Basin Authority, has said reforms implemented under Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Olayemi Cardoso have improved the foreign exchange market, strengthened external reserves and enhanced the resilience of the banking sector.

Assessing Cardoso’s three-year tenure, Oyalowo said the apex bank had shifted towards a more orthodox monetary policy framework, prioritising price stability, market discipline and stronger financial sector supervision.

Cardoso assumed office in September 2023 amid significant economic challenges, including foreign exchange market distortions, declining external buffers and rising inflation. Headline inflation stood at 25.80 per cent in August 2023, while multiple exchange rates, foreign currency shortages and accumulated foreign exchange obligations weakened business confidence.

According to Oyalowo, the reforms marked a departure from the CBN’s extensive involvement in intervention programmes across sectors such as agriculture, aviation and power.

He recalled that Cardoso disclosed at the November 2023 Annual Bankers’ Dinner that the CBN had injected more than ₦10 trillion into the economy through various intervention programmes.

Oyalowo said the scale of the interventions raised concerns about excess liquidity, policy effectiveness and the central bank’s involvement in activities that could be better handled by fiscal authorities and development finance institutions.

“The economic significance of this shift lies in restoring consistency between the CBN’s objectives and its policy instruments,” he said.

Forex Market Reforms and Reserve Growth

Oyalowo identified the foreign exchange market as one of the major areas affected by the reforms, following years of multiple exchange rates, restricted access to foreign currency and accumulated obligations.

He said the CBN’s measures were designed to improve price discovery, enhance liquidity and rebuild confidence in the official market.

Among the key initiatives, he highlighted the Electronic Foreign Exchange Matching System, introduced in December 2024, and the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Code, launched in January 2025. Both measures were aimed at improving transparency, accountability and market conduct.

He also pointed to the settlement of verified foreign exchange obligations from an inherited backlog estimated at $7 billion, noting that the move helped address concerns among international investors, airlines and multinational companies over capital repatriation and legitimate financial claims.

However, Oyalowo acknowledged that the adjustment came at a significant economic cost, including sharp naira depreciation, higher import costs, increased production expenses for manufacturers and mounting pressure on household purchasing power.

On external reserves, he said Nigeria’s gross foreign exchange reserves increased from approximately $33 billion when Cardoso assumed office to about $55 billion in October 2026.

He added that net external reserves had risen to approximately $46 billion, compared with $34.80 billion at the end of 2025 and $3.99 billion at the end of 2023, citing figures disclosed by the CBN.

Oyalowo also referenced the CBN’s 2025 Annual Report, which showed that aggregate foreign exchange inflows rose by 13.81 per cent to $109.86 billion in 2025, from $96.53 billion in 2024.

Net foreign exchange inflows stood at $60.81 billion, while autonomous sources accounted for approximately 64 per cent of total inflows.

He described the growing contribution of autonomous sources as significant, explaining that private-sector inflows, export earnings and remittances could provide a more sustainable supply of foreign exchange than administrative allocation.

Improved Credit Outlook and Investor Confidence

Oyalowo further cited improvements in Nigeria’s international credit assessments as evidence of renewed confidence in the country’s economic direction.

He noted that S&P Global upgraded Nigeria’s sovereign credit rating from ‘B−’ to ‘B’ with a Stable Outlook in May 2026. Fitch Ratings also affirmed Nigeria’s ‘B’ rating in October 2026 and revised its outlook from Stable to Positive.

He said Nigeria’s return to the FTSE Russell Frontier Market classification in September 2026 reflected improvements in foreign exchange market accessibility and capital repatriation.

Despite these developments, Oyalowo acknowledged that Nigeria’s sovereign credit ratings remained below investment grade.

He also cited National Bureau of Statistics data showing that capital importation increased to $23.22 billion in 2025, compared with $12.32 billion in 2024.

Portfolio investment accounted for approximately $19.74 billion, representing 85 per cent of total capital importation, while foreign direct investment stood at about $923 million.

According to him, the figures indicated renewed investor interest but underscored the need to attract more long-term capital into manufacturing, infrastructure, energy and technology.

Inflation, Interest Rates and Household Pressures

On inflation, Oyalowo said the CBN had maintained a restrictive monetary policy stance through higher interest rates and liquidity management measures.

He noted that headline inflation moderated to 15.39 per cent in August 2026, from 15.43 per cent in July and 25.80 per cent in August 2023.

However, he cautioned that the rebasing of the Consumer Price Index in 2025 meant historical inflation comparisons needed to be interpreted carefully.

“Moreover, lower inflation does not mean prices have returned to previous levels,” he said, stressing that households continued to bear the cumulative effects of earlier price increases.

He added that while tighter monetary policy could help contain inflationary pressures, high borrowing costs had made it more expensive for businesses to access credit, potentially constraining investment and economic expansion.

Bank Recapitalisation Strengthens Financial Sector

Oyalowo also highlighted the CBN’s banking sector recapitalisation programme, introduced in March 2024, as a major component of the reforms.

The programme raised minimum capital requirements to ₦500 billion for commercial banks with international authorisation, ₦200 billion for national banks and ₦50 billion for regional banks.

By March 2026, he said, 33 banks had met the revised requirements, collectively raising ₦4.65 trillion in fresh capital.

Domestic investors contributed 72.55 per cent of the capital raised, while international investors accounted for 27.45 per cent.

According to Oyalowo, the recapitalisation exercise had strengthened banks’ capacity to absorb financial shocks and finance larger transactions.

However, he emphasised that increased capital must be supported by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending practices.

“Stronger balance sheets must be accompanied by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending,” he said.

He noted that the challenge for policymakers was to balance financial sector resilience with affordable access to credit, particularly for businesses operating under restrictive monetary conditions.

CBN, Finance Ministry Deepen Policy Coordination

Oyalowo identified the September 18, 2026, Memorandum of Understanding between the CBN and the Federal Ministry of Finance as another important development.

He said the agreement established a framework for closer coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities, covering government cash management, debt issuance planning, liquidity forecasting and macroeconomic analysis.

According to him, the arrangement could reduce the risk of fiscal and monetary policies working at cross-purposes, particularly where government borrowing and spending influence inflation, liquidity conditions and access to credit.

He added that the framework recognised the structural factors driving inflation in Nigeria, including food supply constraints, energy costs, transportation and logistics expenses.

Consolidating the Gains of Reform

Three years into Cardoso’s tenure, Oyalowo said the CBN had recorded measurable changes in foreign exchange market accessibility, external reserves, banking sector capitalisation and investor participation.

He maintained that the governor’s emphasis on monetary orthodoxy had provided the apex bank with a clearer institutional direction, while acknowledging the economic costs associated with the adjustment process.

He stressed, however, that sustaining the gains would require consistent policies, stronger productive investment and measures to ease the pressure on households and businesses.

“The next responsibility is to consolidate these reforms, preserve the gains in macroeconomic stability and create conditions for stronger productive investment, more affordable credit and improved living standards,” Oyalowo said.

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From ending hunger to eradicating poverty, President Tinubu is making big promises ahead of 2027. But after more than three years in power, Nigerians deserve answers, evidence and measurable results—not another round of political assurances.

Nigeria is hungry for change. Yet, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu asks Nigerians to give him another four years, he is offering a familiar menu of promises: prosperity, economic recovery, cheaper food, more jobs and an end to poverty.

At the All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign flag-off in Kaduna, the President sought to reassure Nigerians that better days were ahead. He promised growth, opportunity and recovery, insisting that his administration was working to eradicate hunger and poverty.

But Nigerians have heard these promises before.

In 2023, Tinubu campaigned on the promise of Renewed Hope. Today, as he prepares to seek another mandate, the question confronting his administration is unavoidable: what has happened to the hope Nigerians were promised the first time?

For millions of citizens battling soaring living costs, struggling businesses and shrinking purchasing power, another promise of prosperity may sound less like reassurance and more like a demand for patience from people who have already waited long enough.

Campaign rallies are designed to inspire. Governing, however, demands results.

And it is on that score—not the volume of applause at a stadium—that Tinubu’s promises must be judged.

The President Promises Prosperity. But Where Is the Relief?

Tinubu’s declaration that Nigeria is on the path to prosperity raises an uncomfortable question: prosperity for whom?

The government has defended its economic reforms, particularly the removal of petrol subsidies and changes to the foreign-exchange system, as necessary steps towards stabilising public finances and correcting longstanding economic distortions.

There may be a case for reforms that address structural weaknesses. But economic policies cannot be judged by government revenue, market confidence or official declarations alone.

They must also be judged by what happens in the homes of ordinary Nigerians.

Can families afford three meals a day? Can workers pay their bills without exhausting their salaries? Can small businesses survive rising operating costs? Can young graduates find decent jobs instead of spending years searching for employment?

These are the questions that matter.

Macroeconomic stability is important, but it means little to a family that cannot afford food or a worker whose salary loses purchasing power every month. Growth that fails to improve living standards risks becoming a statistic without meaning for those left behind.

Tinubu cannot simply ask Nigerians to trust that prosperity is coming. He must show them where it is, how it is being delivered and when they can reasonably expect to feel its benefits.

 Poverty Will Go? Nigerians Want to Know When.

Perhaps no promise is more consequential—or more demanding—than Tinubu’s pledge to eradicate poverty.

At the Kaduna rally, the President blamed previous administrations and political opponents for hunger and poverty, insisting that his government was trying to eliminate both.

But blaming yesterday’s leaders cannot become an excuse for the shortcomings of today’s government.

Nigeria’s economic problems predate Tinubu’s presidency. Years of weak growth, insecurity, infrastructure deficits and policy failures have contributed to the country’s difficulties. Yet Tinubu has been in charge since May 2023, and his administration must accept responsibility for its own record.

The President cannot claim credit for every improvement while assigning every setback to his predecessors.

If his government is serious about ending poverty, Nigerians deserve clear targets, credible timelines and regular reports showing how many people have been lifted out of poverty and how many remain trapped in it.

Which programmes are working? Which have failed? How much has been spent? What has changed for the poorest households?

Without answers, the promise to eradicate poverty risks becoming another attractive campaign slogan—repeated at rallies while struggling families continue to count the cost of survival.

Fuel Subsidy: Nigerians Are Paying, But What Are They Getting in Return?

Tinubu’s declaration that petrol subsidy belongs to the past leaves little doubt about his intention to maintain the policy direction adopted in 2023.

His administration has argued that removing the subsidy would free public resources for infrastructure, education, healthcare and other essential services. It has also cited corruption and inefficiencies associated with the former system.

But a policy does not become successful merely because a president insists that there is no going back.

The removal of the subsidy has had far-reaching consequences for transport costs, food distribution and the operating expenses of businesses. For many households, the increased cost of getting to work, moving goods and meeting basic needs has become a daily burden.

The crucial question is whether the promised benefits are reaching the people who have borne the costs.

Where is the transparent accounting of the savings? How much has been channelled into public services? What measurable relief have vulnerable households received?

If the government believes the policy is working, it should demonstrate that success with verifiable evidence.

Nigerians cannot be expected to accept hardship indefinitely on the strength of promises about future benefits. Sacrifice without visible returns is not a sustainable economic strategy; it is a test of public patience.

Hunger Cannot Be Defeated With Speeches

Tinubu’s promise to eradicate hunger is another declaration that must be measured against reality.

Food is not a luxury. It is a basic necessity. When families struggle to afford it, the consequences extend beyond household budgets to public health, education, productivity and social stability.

The administration’s 2023 agenda included agricultural hubs, improved storage facilities, reduced post-harvest losses and other measures intended to strengthen food production and affordability.

These are relevant objectives. But Nigerians need to know how far the programmes have progressed and whether they are producing measurable results.

Farmers need security to cultivate their land. They need affordable fertiliser, seeds, equipment, financing and reliable access to markets. Food must also be transported and stored efficiently before it reaches consumers.

A serious food-security strategy must address the entire chain, not simply promise more agricultural production.

The government should publish clear figures on food production, food insecurity, agricultural investment and the prices consumers pay for essential commodities.

It must also explain what it will do differently where existing interventions have failed to deliver sufficient relief.

The President may declare war on hunger, but the victory will be determined at the market, in the kitchen and on the tables of Nigerian families.

One Million Digital Jobs: Where Is the Scorecard?

Tinubu’s 2023 campaign included a pledge to create one million jobs in the digital economy. His wider agenda also promised employment through industrial development, infrastructure and support for businesses.

As he seeks another term, these commitments demand a public accounting.

How many sustainable jobs have been created? How many young Nigerians have secured paid employment through government-backed initiatives? How many trained participants have found work? How many businesses have expanded their workforce because of government support?

These are basic questions, not political traps.

Nigeria’s young people need more than motivational speeches about opportunity. They need an economy in which education can lead to employment, enterprise can lead to growth and hard work can provide a route out of poverty.

Training programmes are useful, but training without employment opportunities cannot solve the jobs crisis. Entrepreneurship initiatives matter, but young business owners also need affordable finance, reliable electricity, dependable internet and a stable operating environment.

If the administration has made substantial progress, it should publish the figures. If it has fallen short, it should explain why and present a credible corrective plan.

A million-job promise should not remain suspended between campaign rhetoric and public expectation.

## Workers May Receive Their Salaries, But Can They Still Afford to Live?

Tinubu has defended his administration’s record on regular salary payments, praising APC governors for their performance.

But the regular payment of salaries, important as it is, cannot be the sole measure of workers’ welfare.

What matters is what those salaries can buy.

A worker may receive a salary on time and still struggle to pay rent, buy food, cover transport costs and meet school fees. A nominal increase in wages can also lose much of its value when prices rise faster than earnings.

Workers need purchasing power, decent working conditions and access to affordable essential services. They need an economy in which employment offers security rather than merely a monthly reminder of how much living has become.

The administration should therefore look beyond payroll compliance and demonstrate how its policies are affecting real wages, household incomes and living standards.

For millions of workers, the question is brutally simple: if they are earning, why are so many still struggling?

 Roads Are Welcome. Accountability Is Essential.

Tinubu’s inauguration of an 81-kilometre section of the Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano dual carriageway provides a tangible infrastructure milestone for the administration to showcase.

Roads can improve connectivity, facilitate trade and help farmers move produce to markets. Infrastructure investment can also create jobs and support economic growth.

But an inauguration is not the end of the story.

Citizens deserve to know how much projects cost, whether they were delivered on schedule, whether construction meets the required standards and what economic benefits they are expected to generate.

The same scrutiny should apply to railways, electricity projects, ports and other major public investments.

Nigeria has enormous infrastructure needs and limited public resources. Every naira spent must therefore be justified by value, quality and public benefit.

The government should not merely count kilometres of roads inaugurated. It should demonstrate how completed projects reduce transport costs, improve access to markets and strengthen economic activity.

Public infrastructure is not a political gift to citizens. It is a public investment financed with resources that belong to them.

 Four More Years? First, Account for the First Three.

Tinubu’s request for another term raises a legitimate question of continuity: should an administration have more time to complete reforms whose benefits may take years to materialise?

There is no automatic answer. Some reforms require sustained implementation, and governments cannot reasonably be expected to solve every structural problem in a single term.

But continuity cannot be an argument for postponing accountability.

Before asking Nigerians to renew his mandate, the President should provide a detailed performance report against his 2023 commitments. That report should distinguish completed promises from ongoing programmes, explain missed targets and establish measurable objectives for any proposed second term.

It should include:

- Poverty: Verifiable evidence of progress in reducing poverty and improving household incomes.
- Food: Measurable progress on food insecurity, agricultural productivity and consumer prices.
- Jobs: An independently verifiable account of employment created, including the durability and quality of those jobs.
- Economic reforms: Transparent information on fiscal savings, public spending and the distribution of benefits and costs.
- Workers: Evidence of improvements in real wages and purchasing power.
- Infrastructure: Project costs, delivery schedules, quality assessments and public benefits.

These are the foundations of responsible democratic accountability.

A second-term manifesto should not simply recycle the first term’s ambitions. It should explain what has been achieved, what has not, why the gaps exist and how the administration intends to close them.

Conclusion: Hope Must Not Become an Excuse for Broken Expectations

Tinubu’s Kaduna campaign has placed prosperity, poverty eradication, food security, employment and infrastructure at the centre of his re-election message.

These are precisely the issues on which Nigerians need decisive progress. But the importance of the promises makes scrutiny more necessary, not less.

The President can defend his reforms. He can argue that the economy needs more time to respond. He can point to projects completed and policies introduced. But he must also confront the hardship that persists and demonstrate that the benefits of his economic agenda are reaching ordinary citizens.

Nigerians should not have to choose between accepting every government explanation and dismissing every policy initiative. They deserve the evidence needed to judge the administration on its actual record.

The 2027 campaign must therefore be more than a contest of speeches, slogans and promises. It must be an opportunity to demand measurable commitments and hold those seeking power accountable for their performance.

Tinubu says poverty will go. Nigerians want to know when. He promises prosperity. They want to know for whom. He asks for four more years. They want to know what he has achieved with the years already given to him.

These are not hostile questions. They are democratic obligations.

The burden is on the President to show that his promises amount to more than words spoken from a campaign podium.

Nigeria does not need hope without evidence, reforms without accountability or promises without deadlines. It needs results that citizens can see, feel and afford.

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The 2027 elections are just two months away, and nothing about the opposition tells you that they are serious and that they are ready to wrestle power from the ruling APC. The APC has a whopping 12.9 million registered members; the PDP has 2.4 million; the ADC has between 1.2 and 1.6 million; and the LP has 1.3 million. This registration is NIN-based, so figure manipulation is eliminated.

The figures speak volumes about the parties’ nationwide spread and presence, and their ability to mobilise supporters for elections. In the recent off-season elections held in Bauchi, Kano, Gombe and Delta states, the APC swept all the seats, with only the APM winning one seat in Bauchi state.


This is a glimpse of the level of preparedness of the parties across the country, 3 months away from an election. The APC has a controlling majority in terms of the number of state governors, leading with 31 governors, with the APM following with 2, while ACCORD, APGA, and Labour parties have one each. It is the same picture in the National Assembly, with the APC leading with 88 senators, followed by the ADC with 9 senators, PDP with 5 senators, NDC with 4 senators, while APGA, ACCORD, and Labour parties have 1 senator each. In the House of Representatives, the APC has 242 seats, the PDP has 72, the Labour Party has 22, the NNPP has 15, and the rest are shared among the other parties.

If the opposition was upbeat about Gov. Adeleke’s victory in Osun State, today, he is leading President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presidential campaign council in the state. This is not limited to Osun State alone in the ranks of the opposition parties, as Prof. Charles Soludo, the Governor of Anambra State, is also the coordinator of President Tinubu’s campaign council in his state. The FCT minister, Mr Nyesom Wike of the PDP, also leads President Tinubu’s campaign council in Abuja, even though he belongs to the PDP. Mr Wike is leading a rainbow coalition, a cross-party political platform convened by the FCT minister to support President Tinubu’s 2nd-term election. All these governors and party leaders have set aside political and party differences to support President Tinubu’s 2nd term. The political parties and their leaderships, namely the APC, APGA, ACCORD, and PDP, have reached a consensus on their preferred presidential candidate, even if they have different ideas or candidates at the grassroots level.

The Peter Obi/Kwankwaso ticket of the NDC has lost considerable steam for many reasons. The momentum Peter Obi gathered in 2023 has waned because he has been deemed to lack focus and a clear ideology. He has flip-flopped innumerable times on policies and has failed to produce a blueprint or manifesto for what he wants to do. The large followership he commanded in the North Central states has been considerably broken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s forays into the region. Most of those states are now APC states, with the APC party chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, and the Defence Minister, Gen. Christopher Musa, as well as Gov. Agbu Kefas of Taraba and Gov. Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau, leading President Tinubu’s charge for North Central votes. Prof. Soludo of Anambra State is also keen on making significant forays into the Obidients’ followership in his state. This is the same in Imo, with Gov. Hope Uzodinma curtailing Peter Obi’s influence in the state, thereby reducing Peter Obi’s support base in the South East. Kwankwaso’s influence on the ticket is limited to Kano alone, not to a single other northern state. Kano is likely to be evenly split between President Tinubu and Peter Obi/ Kwankwaso of the NDC.

Alh. Atiku Abubakar’s ADC charge has been lacklustre, uncoordinated, and lacking in momentum. It also seems to be lacking in funding, unlike previous campaigns he waged, in which he went toe-to-toe with the ruling party and matched their spending. His campaign also lacks heavyweights that could make a difference. It does not have the PDP structure it has run on previously, so the finances and the personnel are just not there. Unfortunately for him, his politicking only comes alive during election seasons, and he has been unable to build and maintain a political structure outside them. He has not been able to mobilise the opposition to come together under his umbrella, to launch a charge to unseat President Tinubu. The Kwankwasos and the Elrufais are missing from his campaigns, and so are the Wikes. Former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, as his running mate, lacks the support they require from the massive votes in Rivers and seems clueless in other South-South states. This is perhaps Atiku’s poorest outing yet, and I believe he ought to have relinquished his quest for the Presidency this time round. Changing political parties every election season does not exude ideology, vision, or focus. It reeks of desperation. The greatest undoing of the opposition, however, is their collective inability to come together as one and push a single candidate. They remain disunited in their quests.

President Tinubu’s wager for the Presidency back in 2023 was a well-organised, well-oiled, and properly structured campaign that made use of structures long built over the years. Against all odds, he emerged as the APC flagbearer and eventually the winner of the elections. Since then, his government has embarked on reforms and policy implementation that have led to the emancipation of our economy. Our foreign reserves are stronger, our GDP is on a continuous upward trend, we have stronger FDI inflows than we have seen in decades, and we are achieving food security. Agreed, more can be done to cushion the effects of these reforms on the common man, and the government is not resting on its laurels. The opposition does not have clear policies and programmes to run on.


Their only programme is to seize power, and that is it. As far as 2027 is concerned, President Tinubu’s campaign council is not only replicating the structure and mode of operation of its 2023 campaigns but also perfecting them, with 31 governors and their structures on board. The fact that President Tinubu is visiting a select number of states makes it even more efficient. Those states are the ones he needs to make a difference in from the last round of elections. He is better prepared and more equipped now, with more hands on deck. He is not ’emilokaning’ this one; he is bossing it as the C-in-C, without any gimmicks or cabals standing in his way.

By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir

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President Jonathan's Steward, Taxi Driver,305 Others Nominated For National Award

More News Archive

The Nigerian government on Thursday released the list for the 2013/2014 National Honours Award recipients. The list containing 307 names had President Goodluck Jonathan's steward, a traffic warden and others included.

The Investiture will hold on Monday, 29th September 2014 at the International Conference Centre, Abuja.

See full list below:

LIST OF 2013/2014 NATIONAL HONOURS AWARD

 

AIR MARSHAL ALEX SABUNDU BADEH CHIEF OF DEFENCE STAFF CFR

MAJ. GEN. KENNETH MINIMAH CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF CFR

REAR ADMIRAL USMAN JIBRIN CHIEF OF NAVAL STAFF CFR

AIR VICE MARSHAL ADESOLA AMOSU CHIEF OF AIR STAFF CFR

ALHAJI SULAIMAN ABBA ACTING INSPECTOR GENERAL OF POLICE CFR

HON. JUSTICE BOLARINWA O. BABALAKIN FMR. SUPREME COURT, JUDGE CFR

HON. JUSTICE ABUBAKAR BASHIR WALI JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT, (RTD) CFR

HON. JUSTICE IBRAHIM TANKO MUHAMMAD JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT CFR

HON. JUSTICE CHRISTOPHER M.CHUKWUMA – ENEH JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT CFR

 

HON. JUSTICE MUHAMMAD S. MUNTAKA COOMASSIE JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT CFR

HON. JUSTICE JOHN AFOLABI FABIYI JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT CFR

HON. JUSTICE OLUFUNLOLA OYELOLA ADEKEYE JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT CFR

MOHAMMED SAMBO DASUKI NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER CFR

BUKAR GONI AJI FORMER HEAD OF SERVICE OF THE FEDERATION CFR

MR. DANLADI I. KIFASI, OON, mni HEAD OF SERVICE OF THE FEDERATION CFR

AMB. AYO OKE DIRECTOR-GENERAL, NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY CFR

 

HRM OBA DR. VICTOR ADEMEFUN A. KILADEJO TRADITIONAL RULER CFR

 

CHIEF PHILIP C. ASIODU OUTSTANDING PUBLIC SERVANT CFR

BRIG. GEN. JONES O. AROGBOFA (RTD) CHIEF OF STAFF TO THE PRESIDENT CFR

HRH ALAYELUWA OBA (DR.) JIMOH OYEWUMI A.TRADITIONAL RULER CFR

 CHIEF KOLAWOLE BABALOLA JAMODU, OFR

FORMER MINISTER/ PRESIDENT OF M.A.N. CFR

CHIEF OLUDOLAPO IBUKUN AKINKUGBE ENTREPRENEUR CFR

CHIEF (DR.) EMMANUEL C. IWUANYNWU BUSINESS MAN CFR

JIMOH IBRAHIM FOLORUNSHO, OFR ENTREPRENEUR CFR

ALHAJI IBRAHIM ADEJOH IDRIS FORMER GOVERNOR CON

HON. JUSTICE OLATOKUNBO ODUYINKA OLOPADE CHIEF JUDGE, OGUN STATE CON

HON. JUSTICE ALOY NWEKE NWANKO CHIEF JUDGE, EBONYI STATE CON

HON. JUSTICE ISUA IDONGESIT NFEM BASSEY CHIEF JUDGE, AKWA IBOM STATE CON

HON JUSTICE NASIRU A, AJANAH CHIEF JUDGE, KOGI STATE CON

HONOURABLE JUSTICE HAKILA YALAH HEMAN CHIEF JUDGE, GOMBE STATE CON

HONOURABLE JUSTICE KATE ABIRI CHIEF JUDGE, BEYELSA STATE CON

ALH. ABDULKADIR SAIDU TAMBUWAL GRAND KHADI, SOKOTO STATE CON

HON. JUSTICE AMINA ADAMU AUGIE JUSTICE OF THE COURT OF APPEAL CON

HON. JUSTICE ABUBAKAR JEGA ABDUL-KADIR

JUSTICE OF THE COURT OF APPEAL CON

DR. PETER ODILI FORMER GOVERNOR CON

ENGR. MUHAMMED ABBA GANA FORMER MINISTER CON

CHIEF THOMAS IKEOKWUADEM AGUIYI-IRONSI FORMER MINISTER CON

HM OBA (DR.) FREDRICK E. OBATERU AKINRUNTAN TRADITIONAL RULER CON

AMB. DAN SULEIMAN FORMER AMBASSADOR CON

OLOROGUN FELIX O. IBRU BUSINESS MAN CON

CHIEF OLUSEGUN OLADIPO OSUNKEYE CHAIRMAN, NESTLE PLC CON

HON JUSTICE ALI UMAR ERI FORMER C.J. KOGI STATE/DG NATIONAL JUDICAL INSTITUTE CON

HAMIDU GAMBARI ERUBU RETIRED CIVIL SERVANT/ PROMINET

EDUCATIONIST FOR OVER 50 YEARS CON

JUSTICE OBANDE FESTUS OGBUINYA JUSTICE OF THE COURT OF APPEAL CON

CHIEF JOHN E. KENNETH ODIGIE OYEGUN FMR. GOVERNOR CON

CHIEF TOM IKIMI POLITICIAN/FMR. MINISTER CON

AHMAD RUFA’I SANI SENATOR /FMR. GOVERNOR CON

HRH MUHAMMODU ISA MUHAMMADU TRADITIONAL RULER/EMIR OF JAMA’A CON

ERELU OLUSOLA I.A. OBADA FORMER DEPUTY GOVERNOR/FORMER MINISTER CON

MR. MUTIU OLANIYI A. SUNMONU M.D. SPDC CON

HON. JUSTICE P.D. DAMULAK CHIEF JUDGE, PLATEAU STATE CON

CHIEF (DR.) MICHAEL OLAWALE COLE FORMER PRESIDENT, NIGERIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT CON

CHIEF (DR.) MRS. ONIKEPO AKANDE FORMER MINISTER CON

SEN. NKECHI J. NWAOGU SENATOR CON

SEN. CHRISTOPHER BABAJIDE OMOWORARE SENATOR CON

 

DAME VIRGY N. ETIABA FORMER DEPUTY / ACTING GOVERNOR/ EDUCATIONIST CON

SENATOR IYIOLA OMISORE FMR. SENATOR/FMR DEPUTY GOVERNOR CON

SEN. MARAFA KABIR GARBA SENATOR CON

UMAR AYINLA SARO BUSINESSMAN CON

FUNSO K. LAWAL, OON INDUSTRIALIST CON

CHIEF (DR.) THEODORE AHAMEFULA ORJI GOVERNOR CON

MALLAM ISA YUGUDA GOVERNOR CON

BARR. SULLIVAN IHEANACHO CHIME GOVERNOR CON

DR OLUSEGUN MIMIKO GOVERNOR CON

ALHAJI SA’IDU USMAN NASAMU DAKINGARI GOVERNOR CON

DA DAVID JONAH JANG GOVERNOR CON

SENATOR IBIKUNLE AMOSUN GOVERNOR CON

DR JOHN KAYODE FAYEMI GOVERNOR CON

BRIG. GEN. RAJI RASAKI (RTD) FORMER MILITARY ADMINISTRATOR CON

MALLAM IBRAHIM SHEKARAU HON. MINISTER CON

PROF. CHINEDU O. NEBO, OON HON. MINISTER CON

MRS. SARAH RENG OCHEKPE HON. MINISTER CON

ARC. MIKE ONOLEMEMEN HON. MINISTER CON

MR. LABARAN MAKU HON. MINISTER CON

HAJIYA ZAINAB MAINA, MFR HON. MINISTER CON

ARC. MUSA MOHAMMED SADA HON. MINISTER CON

AMB. BASHIR YUGUDA HON. MINISTER CON

MR. EZENWO NYESOM WIKE HON. MINISTER CON

SENATOR FEMI OKUNRONMU SENATOR CON

MR. OLATUNDE JOHN AYENI CHAIRMAN, SKYE BANK PLC CON

MR. GODWIN EMEFIELE GOVERNOR, CBN CON

SENATOR GEORGE THOMPSON SIKIBO JP SENATOR CON

MAJOR GEN. SURAJ ALAO ABDULRAHMAN FORCE COMMANDER, LIBERIA ARMED FORCES CON

DR. ABDUALLAHI UMAR GANDUJE DEPUTY GOVERNOR, KANO STATE OFR

AMB. (DR.) MARTIN IHOEGHIAN UHOMOIBHI PERMANENT SECRETARY, MINISTRY OF FOREIGN

AFFAIRS OFR

KOBIS ARI THIMNU SSG, ADAMAWA OFR

ALH. SAHABI ISA GADA SSG, SOKOTO STATE OFR

PROF. MKPA AGU MKPA SSG, ABIA STATE OFR

GARVEY ACHEN YAWA SSG, TARABA STATE OFR

HANNATU INTI UGAH (MRS) HEAD OF SERVICE, KADUNA STATE OFR

MAJ. GEN. SHEHU USMAN ABDULKADIR PIONEER FORCE COMMANDER, FIRST AFRICAN

UNION AND ECOWAS PEACE MISSION IN MALI OFR

BOLAJI AYORINDE, SAN LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

ENGR. (CHIEF) AMIN IBRAHIM MOUSSALLI GROUP MANAGING DIRECTOR AIM GROUP LTD OFR

CHIEF GAFAR KAYODE ANIMASAHUN GROUP MANAGING DIRECTOR AIM GROUP LTD OFR

PA. MICHAEL TAIWO AKINKUNMI DESIGNER OF THE NATIONAL FLAG OFR

MIKE AGBEDOR ABU OZEKHOME (SAN) LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

CHIEF SIMON NSUNNDU OKEKE FMR. CHAIRMAN POLICE SERVICE COMMISSION OFR

HRH. ABUBAKAR UMAR SULEIMAN TRADITIONAL RULER OFR

CHIEF VICTOR UMEH POLITICIAN OFR

ALHAJI BUHARI BALA FORMER MINISTER OFR

SENATOR UMAR ABUBAKAR ARGUNGU SENATOR OFR

PROF. OLOYEDE IS-HAQ OLAREWAJU FORMER VICE CHANCELLOR UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN

OFR

DR. GREGORY IKECHUKWU IBE VISITOR GREGORY UNIVERSITY OFR

CHIEF JOE KYARI GADZAMA, SAN, MFR LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

SIR EMMANUEL N. MADUEKWE CHAIRMAN FIRST TARZAN MOTORS LTD OFR

CHIEF ADENIGBA F. FADAHUNSI RTD CUSTOM OFFICER OFR

HRH. PRINCE AL WALEED BIN TALAL FOREIGN INVESTOR OFR

JUDE NNODUM, SAN LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

DAFE AKPEDEYE, SAN LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

DR. IGWE AJA-NWACHUKWU PRO. CHANCELLOR, EBONYI STATE UNIVERSITY OFR

MR. ERICO MONFRINI LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

PROF. PETER T. AKPER, SAN LEGAL PRACTITIONER OFR

ENGR. BEKINBO R. DAGOGO-JACK CHAIRMAN, PRESIDENTIAL TASK FORCE ON POWER OFR

AMB. GODSON ONYEMACHI ECHEGILE FORMER AMBASSADOR OFR

PROF. WILLIAMS BARNABAS QURIX VC, KADUNA STATE UNIVERSITY OFR

ALAHAJI SANI SIDI D.G . NATIONAL EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT AGENCY (NEMA) OFR

SHEIKH ABDULHAFEEZ ABOU RELIGIOUS LEADER OFR

BRIG. GENERAL NNAMDI OKORIE AFFIA FORMER D.G. NATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE CORPS OFR

RT. HON. BATHEL NNAEKA AMADI SPEAKER, PAN AFRICAN PARLIAMENT OFR

DR. ALEX C. OTTI M.D. DIAMOND BANK PLC OFR

ENGR. M. A. K. ABUBAKAR, MFR DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF TO THE PRESIDENT OFR

LT. GEN. CHIKADIBIA ISAAC OBIAKOR CHAIRMAN UNITED NATIONS BOARD OF INQUIRY IN ABIYEI OFR

MR. MIKE OMERI AGBO-OMERI DG. NATIONAL ORIENTATION AGENCY OFR

UKURA SAMUEL TYONONGO, FCA AUDITOR GENERAL FOR THE FEDERATION OFR

MR. JONAH OGUNNIYI OTUNLA ACCOUNTANT GENERAL OF FEDERATION OFR

BASHORUN SEINDE AROGBOFA EDUCATIONIST/AUTHOR OFR

MR. JOHN KENNEDY OPARA PUBLIC SERVANT OFR

DR. VALERIE AZINGE SECRETARY, NATIONAL CONFERENCE OFR

MR. DAVID SHIKFU PARRADANG COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF IMMIGRATION OFR

HONOURABLE ARUA ARUNSI MEMBER, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE OFR

PROF. BARTHOLOMEW OKOLO FORMER VC, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA OFR

MRS. CATHERINE UJU IFEJIKA MANAGING DIRECTOR, BRITENIA–U NIG. LTD OFR

FAITH TUEDOR MATHEWS GROUP MANAGING DIRECTOR/CEO MAINSTREET BANK OFR

PROF. KIMSE AMAEBI BIYE OKOKO CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE OF PRO-CHANCELLORS OFR

PROF. EPIPHANY AZINGE DIRECTOR-GENERAL, NIGERIAN INSTITUTE OF ADVANCED LEGAL STUDIES (NIALS) OON

DIG SULEIMAN DAUDA FAKAI DIG OON

ATIKU YUSUF KAFUR DIG OON

EMMANUEL ONYEDIKACHI UDEOJI DIG OON

PETER YISA GANA DIG OON

DIG. MARVEL ENAJERO AKPOYIBO DIG OON

ABDEL RAHMAN OLAJIDE AKANO DIG OON

PHILEMON IBRAHIM LEHA DIG OON

JALAL AHMAD ARABI STATE HOUSE COUNSEL OON

HON. JUSTICE GABZIU ADEMOLA BAKRE RTD. JUDGE OON

MAJ. GEN. FELIX O. A. IORSHASE (RTD) FORMER PROVOST MARSHAL NIGERIA ARMY OON

ADAMU MUHAMMED GARIN GABAS PERMANENT SECRETARY IN JIGAWA STATE OON

CHIEF (DR.) FABIAN NWAORA BUSINESS MAN OON

PROF. OSITA OGBU ACADEMICIAN OON

MR. AKINSANYA SUNNY AJOSE RETIRED HEAD OF SERVICE, LAGOS STATE OON

MAJ. GEN. SUNDAY NLEMCHUKWU CHIKWE FORMER GOC 81 DIVISION, NIGERIA ARMY OON

PROF. ISRAEL OLATUNJI ORUBULOYE ACADEMICIAN OON

PROF ANDREW JONATHAN NOK ACADEMICIAN OON

PROF. CYPRIAN OGBONNA ONYEJI VICE CHANCELLOR, ESUT OON

PROF. OPEOLUWA OLADEINDE ADEKUNLE

MEMBER POST GRADUATE COMMITTEE, ACADEMIC HEALTH SERVICE COMPUTER OF

EASTERN CAPS OON

MR. OSCAR ONYEMA CEO, NIGERIAN STOCK EXCHANGE OON

DR. PATRICK I. OKPAH BUSINESS MAN OON

AMB. ALIYU DALA HASSAN DIPLOMAT OON

FOLUSHO OLANIYAN (MRS) MANAGING DIRECTOR, UTC NIG. PLC OON

MOHAMMED SANI KALLAH RESEARCHER OON

OTUNBA THEOPHILUS OLUWOLE AKINDELE ENGINEER OON

BEN MURRAY – BRUCE (MR) BUSINESSMAN OON

HRM. OVIE RICHARD L. OGBON TRADITIONAL RULER OON

SIR STEVE B. OMOJAFOR CHAIRMAN ZENITH BANK PLC OON

MR. CHUKWUEMEKA GODSWILL ONWUKA CHAIRMAN ENTERPRISE BANK OON

ALH. SULEIMAN YAHAYA CHAIRMAN NAHCO OON

CHIEF (SIR) EMMANUEL UMEOHIA CEO, EMABUMEH AND SONS LTD OON

ABUBAKAR LADAN ZARIA MUSICIAN OON

MR. BERNARD O. N. OTTI GED FINANCE AND ACCOUNTS NNPC OON

DR. AMINU LADAN SHAREHU DG/CEO, NATIONAL TEACHERS INSTITUTE KADUNA OON

MR. JOSEPH OLUREMI AKANDE COMMISSIONER FCSC, ABUJA OON

AMB. CHUKWUDI N. OKAFOR NIGERIA’S AMBASSADOR TO THAILAND OON

MR. ADEYEMO M. TUNDE ACCOMPLISHED CIVIL SERVANT OON

DR. SHEHU YAHAYA EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK (ADB) OON

CECILIA AKINTOMIDE SECRETARY, ADB TUNISIA/ IVORY COAST OON

MAHMOOD AHMADU CEO. OLS SERVICES OON

DR. ADO JIMADA GANA MUHAMMAD CIVIL SERVANT OON

DR. ABDULLAHI Y. SHEHU DG. INT. GOVT. ACTION AGAINST MONEY LAUNDRING IN WEST AFRICA

OON

AMB. BINA CITIP SELCHUM DIPLOMAT OON

AMB. ESTHER AUDU (MRS) NIGERIA’S HIGH COMMISSIONER TO THE GAMBIA OON

MANU GARBA (MFR) CHIEF COACH, UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM OON

MRS. BEATRICE E. JEDY-AGBA EXECUTIVE SECRETARY NAPTIP OON

OBONG MICHAEL A. AFANGIDEH ENTREPRENEUR/ POLITICIAN OON

HIS EMINENCE IME A. UMOETTE RELIGIOUS LEADER OON

HRM OFFONG (ENG) EFFIONG ROBIN ASABI TRADITIONAL RULER OON

ALHAJI MUHAMMADU NADADA UMAR FORMER DIRECTOR-GENERAL SMEDAN OON

ALHAJI GIMBA YA’U KUMO MANAGING DIRECTOR, FEDERAL MORTGAGE BANK OF NIGERIA

OON

BOMA OZOBIA, LLM FORMER PRESIDENT COMMONWEALTH LAWYERS ASSOCIATION OON

PROF. SHEHU ARABU RISKWA FORMER VC, USMAN DANFADIO UNIVERSITY, SOKOTO OON

DR. (CHIEF) DAVID OGBA ONUOHA ENTREPRENEUR OON

IBRAHIM MOHAMMED MERA PUBLIC SERVANT/DCG CUSTOMS OON

PETER DEDEVBO COACH UNDER 20 NATIONAL FEMALE FOOTBALL TEAM OON

DR. AKILU NDABAWA SECRETARY PRESIDENTIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL CONFERENCE OON

PROF. ABDUL GANIYU AMBALI VC UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN OON

IDRIS ABIODUN JAWANDO RETIRED DIRECTOR ENGINEERING CIVIL AND SANITARY INFRASTRUCTURE

OON

STELLA UGBOMA PROMINENT LAWYER, FMR. PRESIDENT OF FIDA OON

MRS. KATHERINE PHILIP ADAMU CHIEF CATERING OFFICER, STATE HOUSE MFR

HAMALAI JUMMAI GWALEM HOUSE KEEPER, PRESIDENTIAL WING, NNAMDI AZIKIWE INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT MFR

MR. FELIX IKUMAPAYI, FDC DIRECTOR, DIRECTORATE OF STATE SERVICE (DSS) MFR

OLALEKAN ODUGBEMI, FDC DIRECTOR, DIRECTORATE OF STATE SERVICE (DSS) MFR

HON. FARUK MALAMI YABO HON. COMMISSIONER IN SOKOTO STATE MFR

HON. GABRIEL HAMADAMA HON. COMMISSIONER, IN ADAMAWA STATE MFR

ELDER (DR,) MRS. HANNAH ODEPO-YAMA RETIRED SECONDARY SCHOOL PRINCIPAL MFR

MR. KNUT ULVMOEN EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, DANGOTE GROUP MFR

ENG. YUVAL LEVY GM. SCC NIGERIA LTD. MFR

HAJIYA ZAINAB ABU BELLO EDUCATIONIST MFR

ALH. KABIR ALKALI MUHAMMED ACCOUNTANT MFR

PROF. HAFEZ ABUBAKAR EDUCATIONIST MFR

DOUKPOLA FRANCIS AMAEBI BANKER MFR

ALH. NUHU ABDULKADIR TRADITIONAL RULER MFR

MR. N. G. PATEL INDUSTRIALIST MFR

AMB. ADAMU SAIDU DAURA POLITICIAN MFR

CHIEF (MRS.) LEILA EUPHEMIA APINKE FOWLER LEGAL PRACTITIONER MFR

KENNETH EMEKA NWABUEZE (ENGR.) CONSULTANT MFR

BARR. JOEL SABO ANINGE TRADITIONAL RULER MFR

BLESSING OKAGBARE ATHLETE, GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MFR

BISHOP DR. (MRS.) IREYEESORISEONE AKUMAGBA CLERGY MFR

CHHIEF (DR.) CHRISTIAN OBIDINNA OGEDAZI, BL LEGAL PRACTITIONER MFR

IDRIS IBRAHIM GINSAU DIRECTOR IN JIGAWA STATE CIVIL SERVICE MFR

CHIEF (MRS.) DOHERTY BOLAJOKO BIMBOLA EDUCATIONIST MFR

MR. UDEME ONOFIOK UFOT BUSINESSMAN MFR

PROF. OLUWOLE DANIEL MAKINDE SCIENTIST MFR

MRS. MAIDEN IBRU PUBLISHER GUARDIAN NEWS PAPER MFR

MR. IMEH USUAH TAXI DRIVER MFR

DR. JOE OKEI-ODUMAKIN HUMAN RIGHT ACTIVIST MFR

PROF. NIYI AKINNASO LECTURER MFR

ALH. AHMAD BADAMASUIY RETIRED CIVIL SERVANT MFR

CHIEF (DR.) MURTALA ADEBAYO LEGAL PRACTITIONER MFR

PROF. KEVIN MICHAEL OGON ETTA EDUCATIONIST MFR

 

RT. HON. ATOZA IHINDAN POLITICIAN MFR

ADEDAPO OLUSEUN ABIODUN AKANDE BUSINESS EXECUTIVE MFR

MR. EBERE YOUNG ACHARAIKE MEDIA CONSULTANT MFR

CHIEF (MRS.) MOJI MAKANJUOLA JOURNALIST MFR

ELDER URUM KALU EKE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, PUBLIC SECTOR, FIRST BANKS PLC MFR

MUHAMMAD BABANDEDE DEPUTY COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF IMMIGRATION MFR

DAVOU TIMOTHY PWAJOK EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN OF AFRIMINES LTD MFR

HRH. HARUNA TANKO JIBRIN KUJE TRADITIONAL RULER MFR

HRH. ALH. HASSAN ATTAHIRU BUNGUGU TRADITIONAL RULER MFR

EMMANUEL AMUNEKE ASSISTANT COACH, UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MFR

NDUKA UGBADE ASSISTANT COACH, UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MFR

EMEKA AMADI GOALKEEPER TRAINER MFR

MR. ENGENIUSZ LAC HOWSKI CHAUFFER, NIGERIA HIGH COMMISSION, CANADA MFR

PATIENCE OKAEME CAPTAIN, UNDER 20 NATIONAL FEMALE FOOTBALL TEAM MFR

CHIEF MRS. NKECHI OKEMINI MBA NATIONAL PRESIDENT, NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN SOCIETIES MFR

HAJIA RAMATU BALA USMAN FORMER NATIONAL PRESIDENT, NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN SOCIETIES MFR

MR. KENNETH NNEBUE ACTOR MFR

OMOTOLA JALADE EKEINDE FILM MAKER /ACTRESS MFR

AJOKE SYLVA JACOBS ACTRESS MFR

NNIMMO BASSEY ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS ACTIVIST MFR

CHIEF OLADEJI FASUAN RETIRED PERMANENT SECRETARY MON

SE-ALABO (AMB) DAGOGO CLAUDE-WILCOX FMR. AMBASSADOR MON

ABRAHAM NDANA YISA LEGAL PRACTITIONER MON

HASSAN MUHAMMAD LIMAN ESQ, SAN LEGAL PRACTITIONER MON

CHIEF (DR.) SYLVANUS O. EBIGWEI MEDICAL DOCTOR MON

SALIHU SINTALMA ABUBAKAR PUBLIC SERVANT MON

ALIYU OMAR CIVIL SERVANT MON

HRM. OBA JACOB OLUFEMI OMOLADE JP TRADITIONAL RULER MON

HRH. EZEKWO SAMUEL CHARTERED ACCOUNTANT MON

ONUH ISAAC MICHAEL HEAD, PRESIDENTIAL STEWARDS MON

ADO AHMAD G. DABINO PUBLIC SERVANT MON

CPL. SOLOMON DAUDA TRAFFIC WARDEN MON

MRS.MAIRO I. LONDON EDUCATIONIST MON

ODO CLAIRE KALANGO ADMINISTRATOR MON

DR. NATHANIEL CHIDI NWANERI ACCOMPLISHED TEACHER MON

OBA MICHAEL ADESINA TRADITIONAL RULER MON

ALH. SHITU MUHAMMED BUSINESS MAN MON

YUSUF KUNLE POLITICIAN/YOUTH MOBILIZER MON

EGBAIYELO TEMITAYO TEAM SECRETARY, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

AYODEJI OLARINOYE TEAM DOCTOR, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

GABRIEL OYENUGA TEAM PHYSIOTHERAPIST, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

MORAKINYO ABODUNRIN TEAM MEDIA OFFICER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

SULEIMAN ABUBAKAR TEAM COORDINATOR, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

MOHAMMED KAFA EQUIPMENT MANAGER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

MUSA MUHAMMED PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

SUNDAY ALAMPASU PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

ABDULAZEEZ ABUBAKAR PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

UZOHO ODINAKA PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

ZAHARADEEN BELLO PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

ALIU ABUBAKAR PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

OBASI CHIGOZIE PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

MUSA YAHAYA PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

SAMUEL GODWIN OKON PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

CHIDIEBERE NWAKALI PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

AKINJIDE IDOWU PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

SALIHU A. BABA PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

GODWIN SAVIOUR PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

ALFA ABDULLAHI PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

MAKANJUOLA HABEEB PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

CHIDERA EZEH PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

SUCCESS ISAAC PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

KELECHI IHEANACHO PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

AWONIYI TAIWO PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

DENNIS OKON NYA PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

JAPHET RAYMOND PLAYER, 2013 NATIONAL UNDER 17 FOOTBALL TEAM MON

PROF. ALASHILE ABIMIKU EDUCATIONIST MON

ASISAT OSHOALA HIGHEST GOAL SCORER, 2014 UNDER 20 FIFA FEMALE FOOTBALL COMPETITIONS MON

AMINAT ADENIYI GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

ABDULAZEEZ IBRAHIM GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

ESE BRUME GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

LOVELINE OBIJI GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

MARYAM USMAN GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

ODUAYO ADEKUOROYE GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

OLUWATOYIN ADESANMI GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

PAUL KEHINDE GOLD MEDALLIST 2014 COMMONWEALTH GAMES MON

ADEKOYA JAMIU POLICE INSPECTOR FRM I

SGT. JAFARU WADZANI POLICE OFFICER FRM II