Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Attahiru Jega, expressed gratitude to all observers accredited in the forthcoming general elections, describing them as partners in progress with the country.
Jega gave the commendation making a speech at the briefing of accredited observers for the elections on Thursday.
He described the work of the observers as a means of providing INEC with dispassionate and rich assessments of the electoral process, which he said, adds value to the Commission's work.
Jega mentioned four factors that define the relationship between the observers and INEC as either conflictive or cooperative.
He said the factors are history or relationship, the perception of the country's commitment to the electoral process, the level of consolidation of the electoral process in a country and the specific individual attitudes of the leadership of both the Election Management Body and observer groups.
Read the full speech below:
« I would like to commence by thanking all of you for accepting to participate in this briefing of accredited election observers for the 2015 general elections. My gratitude is particularly founded considering that the elections had to be rescheduled when many of you, particularly the international observers, had started deployment in February. As a Commission, we deeply regret the inconvenience that may have caused you. However, we believe that in the circumstances that decision was necessary. Still, I hope that in spite of the problems you may have encountered, the rescheduling afforded you the opportunity to better contextualize the elections, improve your understanding of the environment and properly study INEC’s level of preparedness.
I must say that as a Commission, we greatly value our partnership with election stakeholders, particularly election observers. Your participation in elections often provides us with dispassionate and rich assessments of the electoral process, which add value to our work as a Commission. In fact, Observers’ reports on the 2011 general elections, many of which were produced by some of you in this room, have been like guidebooks for our preparations for the 2015 general elections. Often, relations between the EMBs like INEC and election observers in a fledgling democracy like ours oscillates between cooperation and conflict. A number of factors shape whether these relations are conflictive or cooperative. The first factor is the history of relations between election observers and the specific EMB. If that history has been one of suspicion, pressure and misunderstanding, observation of elections is likely to be repeatedly conflictive. Usually, there is a defining moment in these relations that entrenches this conflict dynamic. This is most likely to be an event in which observers and the EMB disagree fundamentally, which is not subsequently resolved. Once this threshold of conflict is crossed, it is always difficult to reverse the conflict dynamic. The irony is that the specific event that creates this conflict dynamic may only be related to one observer group. Yet, it could define the manner in which observers and EMB perceive each other for a long time.
The second factor is the broad image of the country and perceptions about whether the country and the EMB are truly committed to the democratic and electoral processes. Where a country is perceived not to be committed to conducting free, fair and credible elections, election observers are likely to be more aggressive, assertive or inquisitive, while the EMB would tend to deny access and cooperation.
The third factor is the level of consolidation of the electoral process in a country. Observers are likely to adopt more aggressive attitudes to a country’s election and its managers in early post-authoritarian elections. Subsequently, especially if election management keeps improving, the relations are likely to improve and become more cordial. Finally, the specific individual attitudes of the leadership of both the EMB and observer groups are important in defining their relations. Leaders on both sides must be willing to talk to each other, not talk at each other. Openness is central in forging cordial relations.
Luckily, at INEC we have enjoyed very cordial relations with both domestic and international observers since the 2011 general elections. This has been partly shaped by three things. In the first place, we established a transparent procedure for selecting observer groups. Calls for applications and/or the selection criteria are usually published in newspapers and our websites. The criteria are strictly applied and groups are ranked before selection is made.
Secondly, we developed comprehensive guidelines for election observation. The INEC Guidelines For Election Observation, which is available in both print and on our website, is based on global norms, standards and sources. Among these are the ECOWAS Principles of Democratic Elections, which is established by the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance of 2001, the African Union Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa of 2002 and the Cotonou Agreement signed between the European Union and the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States in 2000.
The guidelines cover such things as processes of selection and accreditation of observers, code of conduct, responsibilities of both observers and INEC, as well as detailed description of the political and electoral processes in Nigeria. These guidelines are the normative basis for INEC’s engagement with foreign and local observers. The existence of these guidelines ensures that all parties recognize that election observation is a cooperative exercise in which all sides have rights and duties, which collectively ensure that the highest democratic standards apply.
Through its guidelines on election observation INEC seeks to frame three essential normative principles namely, rights, responsibilities and conduct of observers. Rights generally signify the entitlements of observers, responsibilities are the duties they bear, while conduct refers to behaviour and actions expected of them. Among the rights of observers are adequate security and protection, adequate information; free access to voting facilities, free movement and civil treatment. On the other hand, the responsibilities of observers include respecting the sovereignty and laws of Nigeria, abiding by guidelines and regulations of INEC, attendance at briefings, careful, dedicated observation and to issue honest report on the election. In their conduct, observers are also expected to declare any conflict of interest, be impartial and unobtrusive, ensure that their reports and conclusions are evidence-based, eschew prejudgment of the process, always carry proper identification, be careful about comments in the media, be prudent in receiving gifts and favours and avoid involvement in disputes. I implore you be conversant with the provisions of the Guidelines as you deploy to the field in the days that follow.
The third factor that has improved relations between observers and the Commission since 2011 is the establishment of the INEC Situation Room. This has made it possible for the Commission to respond rapidly to certain urgent observations made by observers. In other words, unlike in the past, the Commission does not have to wait for months after elections to receive reports, when it could intervene during elections to solve problems. The real-time report of events in the field to the Situation Room and the rapid intervention of the Commission when necessary have improved the quality of the electoral process and improved confidence between observers and the Commission.
I would like to draw your attention to one cardinal distinction that INEC makes through its guidelines for election observation. That is the distinction between election observation and election monitoring. According to the INEC Guidelines for Election Observation, there is a fundamental difference between the two. An election monitor is an integral part of the election management structure and has a role in the administration of the election. In Nigeria, only the Independent National Election Commission (INEC) and its duly authorized personnel are empowered to monitor elections. An Observer on the other hand does not have any role in the administration of the election nor any control or oversight functions. To further simplify these points:
An election monitor exercises some level of lawful authority over the conduct of elections as well as over officials involved; an Observer has no such powers.
· In Nigeria, a monitor must be a duly authorised personnel of the INEC; an Observer is independent and reports only to his or her organisation
· A monitor can issue instructions and take decisions on behalf of INEC and to that extent would ordinarily possess a greater technical knowledge of the election process than an Observer.
· To enable them fulfil their functions effectively, INEC is responsible for training election monitors on election administration. The training of election Observers is the responsibility of the organisations that deploy them.
· The roles, powers and functions of monitors are created and regulated and the authority so exercised is clearly spelt out.
It is important to clarify these because observers in the past sometimes overreach the limits of our conception of observation, which often results in tension and disagreements. Indeed, the Nigerian legal system expressly states that a cardinal function of INEC is to monitor the electoral process.
I would like to end this address by giving you a brief update on our preparedness for the elections in order to assure you that we are on course. I am aware that there are still lingering concerns on whether the elections would hold or not. Let me say that I do not see any indication from any quarters of any wish to further postpone the elections. After the rescheduling of the elections, the Commission met, reviewed the situation and decided on how best to utilize the six-week extension to add value to operational and logistical preparations for the elections. We believe that effective utilization of the period of extension would enable INEC to a vastly improved 2015 general elections. The highlights of the decisions, which are already being implemented, are as follows:
1. Field Evaluations: National Commissioners to visit all the State offices between February 11 and 19, 2015, they conducted evaluations and comprehensively determined levels of preparations in the field.
2. Headquarters Evaluations: Following the field visits, on February 20th and 21st, the Commission, together with heads of Departments, Directorates and Units, met and reviewed the field assessment and determined what specific additional things need to be done before March 28th.
3. On February 24th, a meeting of the Inter-agency Consultative Committee on Elections Security (ICCES), was held to discuss security arrangements for the rescheduled elections.
4. On March 7, field demonstration of the Card Reader were held in all Polling Units in sampled Wards in 12 states, 2 from each of the 6 geopolitical zones.
5. On March 11, a meeting of the Commission with Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) will hold to review progress of additional things done and to finalize arrangements for the March 28 and April 11 elections.
Prioritized areas of focus for the six-week period of extension are as follows:
a. Collection of PVCs: the period for the collection was first extended by 4 weeks to March 8, and subsequently further extended to March 22. We have been making every effort to ensure that the maximum numbers of voters possible collect their PVCs before the elections. We have also been providing regular updates to the public on various aspects of the collection, particularly the rate and distribution of collection. We are glad that these efforts have yielded fruits, with PVC collection increasing to a national average of over 81% in the last four weeks.
b. More public demonstration of the Card Readers in each geo-political zone was conducted on March 7. The demonstration entailed the full process of accreditation such as would take place during the elections proper. Twelve States, two from each of the six geopolitical zones, were used for the demonstration namely, Delta, Rivers, Nasarawa, Niger, Anambra, Ebonyi, Kebbi, Kano, Lagos, Ekiti, Bauchi and Taraba States. One Ward (Registration Area) was randomly selected in each State and all the Polling Units in the Ward were then used for the demonstration. For a mock demonstration, the turnout was satisfactory, with close 17,000 voters nationwide. The demonstration was also largely satisfactory with close to 100% verification and 60% authentication. The result of biometric authentication for Ebonyi was unusually low and we have not only been thoroughly investigating this, we also repeated the demonstration on March 14 with better results. Measures are being taken to address the challenges observed, which seem to be responsible for the observed low level of authentication.
c. Additional training for ad hoc staff, especially for those who are going to handle the Card Readers is currently going on. All SPOs have had one day additional refresher training while POs and APOs handling Card Readers are undergoing a 2-day additional hands-on training. Innovative training materials, including downloadable videos and phone apps have been developed to make for easier and effective learning.
d. Intensify voter education and public enlightenment on Election Day procedures. We acknowledge and appreciate the intervention of the EU through JDBF, DGD II Programme.
e. Arrangements for Election Day logistics to be intensified by RECs, especially transportation in consultation with the NURTW, in the context of the MOU already signed with the Union.
f. Wide consultations and interactions with stakeholders have also been held. Apart from the meeting with ICCES, the Commission has also held several interactions with civil society organizations, development partners and the diplomatic community. In addition, it has met with political parties and briefed the National Assembly on diverse aspects of the elections. Finally, the Commission has established a weekly press briefing by the National Commissioner in-charge of publicity. This provides an opportunity to share information and answer various concerns of members of the public. On Tuesday March 24, a National Stakeholders Summit is scheduled for ‘last minute’ Briefing preceding the elections.
In addition to the above areas, the Commission has made arrangements to enable IDPs to vote. This will apply to IDPs from areas that are worst hit by the insurgency, specifically in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe States. The plan is to create voting Centres in safe areas.
In conclusion, INEC deeply appreciates the positive roles of both domestic and foreign observers in Nigeria’s electoral process. We welcome you to freely observe the 2015 general elections in accordance with existing guidelines and the laws of the land. The Commission looks forward to your reports as it continues to work to improve the electoral process and democratic practice in Nigeria. I wish you the very best as you deploy across the country.
Thank you.
 |
|
Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has reportedly asked the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Lagos Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), Dr Muyiwa Gbadegesin, to resign amid growing concerns over the accumulation of refuse across the state.
The reported move follows mounting complaints about waste collection, with heaps of garbage littering roads, residential areas and drainage channels in several communities.
An unnamed source within the agency disclosed that the governor had become dissatisfied with the pace of waste evacuation and the implementation of his directives to address the situation.
According to the source, the governor's frustration reportedly intensified following his visit to the Olusosun Dumpsite in Ojota about a month ago, where he assessed operations and called for urgent measures to improve waste management.
Despite the directive and the subsequent declaration of a state of emergency on waste management, the source claimed that the governor remained concerned about the limited visible progress.
The source further alleged that Sanwo-Olu asked Gbadegesin to resign over the weekend, adding that the LAWMA chief had reportedly been seeking the intervention of influential figures in Lagos to retain his position.
Refuse Accumulation Raises Sanitation Concerns
Residents in several parts of Lagos have continued to experience waste collection challenges, with refuse reportedly accumulating along major roads, medians, residential streets and drainage channels.
Affected areas include Mushin, Egbeda, Surulere, Ajegunle, Ikorodu, Ojo, Obalende, Apapa and Mile 2.
The situation has raised concerns about environmental sanitation, public health risks and the potential impact on businesses and daily activities.
The state government had earlier announced emergency measures to tackle the problem and improve waste collection across the metropolis.
In September, Sanwo-Olu declared a state of emergency on waste management following an inspection of the Olusosun Dumpsite. The visit was attended by Deputy Governor Dr Obafemi Hamzat and other stakeholders in the waste management sector.
During the inspection, the governor acknowledged delays in waste evacuation and attributed some of the challenges to the failure of Private Sector Participation (PSP) operators to meet their obligations in recent weeks.
He also identified fires at dumpsites and ongoing waste-compaction projects as factors affecting operational efficiency.
According to the governor, the completion of projects at the Olusosun and Solous 3 dumpsites would increase their capacity, allowing each facility to receive approximately 450 trucks of municipal waste daily.
The planned improvements are expected to strengthen disposal operations and support more efficient waste collection by PSP operators.
LAWMA Reports Progress in Clearance Operations
Amid growing concerns over the waste situation, Gbadegesin announced on Saturday that clearance operations had recorded progress in several locations across Lagos.
In an update shared on his X account, the LAWMA chief said Mile 2 had been cleared, while three additional trucks had been deployed to Doyin-Orile and surrounding communities.
He also reported continued daily waste collection along Ijesha Road and Itire–Ikate, clearance operations at Bucknor–Ijegun, and ongoing collection activities in Ogolonto and Igbokusu.
According to the update, Okeira and Oluodo had been placed under interim LAWMA services following the termination of their PSP arrangements, while clearance operations continued at Iraye.
However, the agency was still awaiting field updates from four routes: Apapa, Abesan Estate, Idimu–Ejigbo Road and the Isheri–Igando corridor.
Gbadegesin said the agency's objective was to move beyond emergency clearance operations and establish consistent waste collection to prevent refuse from accumulating again in areas that had already been cleared.
Government Yet to Confirm Reported Resignation Request
As of the time of reporting, there had been no official confirmation of the alleged resignation request.
Efforts to obtain a response from Lagos State Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotosho, were unsuccessful, as an aide said the commissioner was attending a meeting and advised that contact be made later.
Gbadegesin was reappointed as LAWMA managing director by Sanwo-Olu following the governor's re-election.
The reported development comes as the state government faces continued pressure to address waste collection challenges and improve environmental sanitation.
Whether the alleged resignation request will result in a leadership change remains unclear, while residents continue to await sustained improvements in refuse evacuation across Lagos.
News
Ayobami Oyalowo, Executive Director of Finance and Administration at the Ogun-Oshun River Basin Authority, has said reforms implemented under Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Olayemi Cardoso have improved the foreign exchange market, strengthened external reserves and enhanced the resilience of the banking sector.
Assessing Cardoso’s three-year tenure, Oyalowo said the apex bank had shifted towards a more orthodox monetary policy framework, prioritising price stability, market discipline and stronger financial sector supervision.
Cardoso assumed office in September 2023 amid significant economic challenges, including foreign exchange market distortions, declining external buffers and rising inflation. Headline inflation stood at 25.80 per cent in August 2023, while multiple exchange rates, foreign currency shortages and accumulated foreign exchange obligations weakened business confidence.
According to Oyalowo, the reforms marked a departure from the CBN’s extensive involvement in intervention programmes across sectors such as agriculture, aviation and power.
He recalled that Cardoso disclosed at the November 2023 Annual Bankers’ Dinner that the CBN had injected more than ₦10 trillion into the economy through various intervention programmes.
Oyalowo said the scale of the interventions raised concerns about excess liquidity, policy effectiveness and the central bank’s involvement in activities that could be better handled by fiscal authorities and development finance institutions.
“The economic significance of this shift lies in restoring consistency between the CBN’s objectives and its policy instruments,” he said.
Forex Market Reforms and Reserve Growth
Oyalowo identified the foreign exchange market as one of the major areas affected by the reforms, following years of multiple exchange rates, restricted access to foreign currency and accumulated obligations.
He said the CBN’s measures were designed to improve price discovery, enhance liquidity and rebuild confidence in the official market.
Among the key initiatives, he highlighted the Electronic Foreign Exchange Matching System, introduced in December 2024, and the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Code, launched in January 2025. Both measures were aimed at improving transparency, accountability and market conduct.
He also pointed to the settlement of verified foreign exchange obligations from an inherited backlog estimated at $7 billion, noting that the move helped address concerns among international investors, airlines and multinational companies over capital repatriation and legitimate financial claims.
However, Oyalowo acknowledged that the adjustment came at a significant economic cost, including sharp naira depreciation, higher import costs, increased production expenses for manufacturers and mounting pressure on household purchasing power.
On external reserves, he said Nigeria’s gross foreign exchange reserves increased from approximately $33 billion when Cardoso assumed office to about $55 billion in October 2026.
He added that net external reserves had risen to approximately $46 billion, compared with $34.80 billion at the end of 2025 and $3.99 billion at the end of 2023, citing figures disclosed by the CBN.
Oyalowo also referenced the CBN’s 2025 Annual Report, which showed that aggregate foreign exchange inflows rose by 13.81 per cent to $109.86 billion in 2025, from $96.53 billion in 2024.
Net foreign exchange inflows stood at $60.81 billion, while autonomous sources accounted for approximately 64 per cent of total inflows.
He described the growing contribution of autonomous sources as significant, explaining that private-sector inflows, export earnings and remittances could provide a more sustainable supply of foreign exchange than administrative allocation.
Improved Credit Outlook and Investor Confidence
Oyalowo further cited improvements in Nigeria’s international credit assessments as evidence of renewed confidence in the country’s economic direction.
He noted that S&P Global upgraded Nigeria’s sovereign credit rating from ‘B−’ to ‘B’ with a Stable Outlook in May 2026. Fitch Ratings also affirmed Nigeria’s ‘B’ rating in October 2026 and revised its outlook from Stable to Positive.
He said Nigeria’s return to the FTSE Russell Frontier Market classification in September 2026 reflected improvements in foreign exchange market accessibility and capital repatriation.
Despite these developments, Oyalowo acknowledged that Nigeria’s sovereign credit ratings remained below investment grade.
He also cited National Bureau of Statistics data showing that capital importation increased to $23.22 billion in 2025, compared with $12.32 billion in 2024.
Portfolio investment accounted for approximately $19.74 billion, representing 85 per cent of total capital importation, while foreign direct investment stood at about $923 million.
According to him, the figures indicated renewed investor interest but underscored the need to attract more long-term capital into manufacturing, infrastructure, energy and technology.
Inflation, Interest Rates and Household Pressures
On inflation, Oyalowo said the CBN had maintained a restrictive monetary policy stance through higher interest rates and liquidity management measures.
He noted that headline inflation moderated to 15.39 per cent in August 2026, from 15.43 per cent in July and 25.80 per cent in August 2023.
However, he cautioned that the rebasing of the Consumer Price Index in 2025 meant historical inflation comparisons needed to be interpreted carefully.
“Moreover, lower inflation does not mean prices have returned to previous levels,” he said, stressing that households continued to bear the cumulative effects of earlier price increases.
He added that while tighter monetary policy could help contain inflationary pressures, high borrowing costs had made it more expensive for businesses to access credit, potentially constraining investment and economic expansion.
Bank Recapitalisation Strengthens Financial Sector
Oyalowo also highlighted the CBN’s banking sector recapitalisation programme, introduced in March 2024, as a major component of the reforms.
The programme raised minimum capital requirements to ₦500 billion for commercial banks with international authorisation, ₦200 billion for national banks and ₦50 billion for regional banks.
By March 2026, he said, 33 banks had met the revised requirements, collectively raising ₦4.65 trillion in fresh capital.
Domestic investors contributed 72.55 per cent of the capital raised, while international investors accounted for 27.45 per cent.
According to Oyalowo, the recapitalisation exercise had strengthened banks’ capacity to absorb financial shocks and finance larger transactions.
However, he emphasised that increased capital must be supported by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending practices.
“Stronger balance sheets must be accompanied by sound governance, effective risk management and responsible lending,” he said.
He noted that the challenge for policymakers was to balance financial sector resilience with affordable access to credit, particularly for businesses operating under restrictive monetary conditions.
CBN, Finance Ministry Deepen Policy Coordination
Oyalowo identified the September 18, 2026, Memorandum of Understanding between the CBN and the Federal Ministry of Finance as another important development.
He said the agreement established a framework for closer coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities, covering government cash management, debt issuance planning, liquidity forecasting and macroeconomic analysis.
According to him, the arrangement could reduce the risk of fiscal and monetary policies working at cross-purposes, particularly where government borrowing and spending influence inflation, liquidity conditions and access to credit.
He added that the framework recognised the structural factors driving inflation in Nigeria, including food supply constraints, energy costs, transportation and logistics expenses.
Consolidating the Gains of Reform
Three years into Cardoso’s tenure, Oyalowo said the CBN had recorded measurable changes in foreign exchange market accessibility, external reserves, banking sector capitalisation and investor participation.
He maintained that the governor’s emphasis on monetary orthodoxy had provided the apex bank with a clearer institutional direction, while acknowledging the economic costs associated with the adjustment process.
He stressed, however, that sustaining the gains would require consistent policies, stronger productive investment and measures to ease the pressure on households and businesses.
“The next responsibility is to consolidate these reforms, preserve the gains in macroeconomic stability and create conditions for stronger productive investment, more affordable credit and improved living standards,” Oyalowo said.
Business
In The Spotlight
While delivering the 2026 edition of the Annual Omolayole Management Lecture, President, Chartered Institute of Directors and immediate past Managing Director of 11 PLC, formerly Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, Adetunji Oyebanji, presented President Bola Tinubu with something to think about.
He declared, “Based on a 2025 normal Gross Domestic Product baseline of approximately US$290.79bn, Nigeria would need to sustain a compound growth rate of approximately 28.02 per cent over the five-year period from 2026 to 2030” to achieve the $1tn economy.
He added, “This rate far exceeds Nigeria’s historical performance and underscores the scale of economic expansion required,” and “Rather than serving as a forecast, this calculation establishes the benchmark against which future economic performance may be assessed.”
As if the priest spoke and thunder rumbled, Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that Nigeria’s year-on-year GDP growth rate for the second quarter of 2026 was 4.43 per cent, while the World Bank projected 4.3 per cent growth rate for Nigeria in 2026, up from nearly 4.0 per cent recorded for 2025.
As Oyebanji observed, Nigeria’s economy experienced low growth rates and reversals in the last decade: from 2.65 per cent in 2015, to -1.62 per cent contraction in 2016, a modest 2 per cent rebound in 2017, another reversal, of -1.79 per cent occasioned by Covid-19 in 2020, to a positive rebound of 3.87, or nearly 4, per cent in 2025.
If anyone says President Tinubu has a yeoman’s job ahead of him, they’re spot on. And if he merely coveted the $1tn economy by faith and not with data, it would appear that the President is planning to fail.
And somebody should tell the Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Customs Service, Adewale Adeniyi, who pledged to support the President’s ambition to build the $1tn economy, not to confuse government revenue with a country’s economy.
Oyebanji recognised “governance as the central determinant of success” in the $1tn economy quest, and identified oil, gas and energy; agriculture and agro-processing; manufacturing and industrial development; technology, digital economy and innovation; infrastructure; solid minerals; and services and the creative industry as the sectoral drivers.
But it appears that only the digital, mineral resources mining, service and creative sectors can thrive in the current Nigerian economic environment, and the real sector, agriculture and manufacturing, that produce the strategic consumer goods that are mostly imported at the moment, cannot thrive yet.
The governance structures that Oyebanji suggests for the takeoff of the $1tn economy are macroeconomic stability through disciplined fiscal and monetary policies, consistency of policies, rapid investment in infrastructure and nifty tinkering with the economic environment.
These are the direct opposites of the current negatives: power supply deficit, infrastructure gap, inefficiency in the oil sector, an unstable foreign exchange rate, a low tax-to-GDP rate, insecurity, policy inconsistencies and a huge human capital deficit that compromise the capacity of the real sector and even the service industry.
If the President really wants the $1tn economy to become a reality in 2030, he should review Oyebanji’s perspectives, data and prescriptions and seek competent economists, management and financial planning experts to help him articulate a clear path to achieving this laudable economic prosperity.
Some experts, convinced he may not achieve his objective within the period he has earmarked, think he could at least set himself on the way by making ambitious efforts in electricity, security and logistics, including extensive road, railway, water and air travel networks.
Nigeria’s current electricity generating capacity is somewhere between 4,500 and 5,400 megawatts, whereas it is projected that Nigeria probably needs to generate anywhere between 20,000 and 28,000 megawatts for its 230 million population.
Some even argue that 28,000 megawatts of electricity won’t service the population of Nigeria that is projected to increase to 262 or 270 million by the magical 2030 that the President has set as a deadline for the $1tn economy.
If the electricity infrastructure is not addressed pointedly by the Federal and the state governments that have now been enabled by the transfer of electricity from the Exclusive Federal List to the Concurrent List of the Nigerian Constitution, the economy will not lift off as expected.
The declaration by the Nigerian Constitution that security and the welfare of the people of Nigeria is Job Number One of government confirms the nexus or relationship between public security, public order and the nation’s economic wellbeing.
The classic definition of the state, which is the final, supreme, absolute coercive power within a political realm, speaks to the place of the state, whose public face is the government, as both the arbiter and safeguard of the lives and economic livelihoods of the citizens of a country.
The current inability of the state or the government, which is supposed to have a monopoly on police and military force within the country, is consistently having a negative impact on the security and the economies of the North-East, North-West, North-Central and some corridors of Southern Nigeria.
The rural areas, where insurgency, terrorism, banditry, herder-farmer clashes, and kidnapping have become rampant, are unsafe for lives and unconducive for the farmers who produce the food consumed by the citizens and the cash crops that provide the raw materials for the growth of agro-allied and chemical industries.
Maybe it bears repeating that in addition to preventing harvests from the farms, insecurity is disrupting the transportation of food to the dining tables of Nigerian homes, as well as the cash crops that provide the raw materials for Nigerian industries.
The third basic aspect of the Nigerian economy that the President must take a long, hard look at, if he really wants to make the $1tn economy a reality, is logistics, which is already taking a beating from the insecurity running through most of Nigeria.
The Federal Government must find the funds and speed up the completion of Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road, the Sokoto-Badagry Expressway, the Calabar-Abuja Superhighway and additional longitudinal and lateral highways to link Nigerian farms, industries and homes.
No one can deny that roads encourage the founding and development of modern communities that later become metropolises. Look at the organic growth of urban communities from the Berger end of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway to the Shagamu Interchange.
To prepare for the heavy lifting necessary to realise the $1tn economy, President Tinubu needs to study and take the best of the railway systems of America, which has the longest rail network in the world; China, with the largest high-speed rail network; Russia, the leader in heavy freight; and India, with the highest passenger rail network.
Cargo airports are more than necessary for quick evacuation of fresh agricultural produce from the farm gates to the urban centres where they will be consumed fresh or converted into raw materials for the agro-allied industries.
The President must find a way to harness the strength of Nigeria’s inland rivers not only to generate hydroelectric power, but also as an integral part of a transportation network that will include roads, railways and airports.
If electricity, security and logistics are taken care of, it shouldn’t be too difficult for the $1tn economy to take off organically.
By Lekan Sote
In The Spotlight
There is a question President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must answer before the 2027 presidential election: if he wants another four years in Aso Rock, why should Nigerians not expect him to stand before them, state by state, and defend his record?
His decision not to accompany his campaign team to every state has ignited a political storm, drawing criticism from opposition leaders, activists and ordinary citizens, while others insist that governance must not grind to a halt because of electioneering. The President argues that Nigeria’s pressing needs demand his attention and that members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Council can carry his message to voters nationwide.
That argument is not entirely without merit. A sitting president has constitutional responsibilities that do not disappear during an election campaign. Government must function, security must be addressed, and the business of the nation must continue.
But there is a dangerous flaw in the President’s position: governance is not an escape route from accountability, and a campaign surrogate is no substitute for the candidate whose record is on trial.
Tinubu is not seeking a ceremonial extension of his stay in office. He is asking Nigerians to entrust him with another four years of power. That request demands more than carefully choreographed rallies, rehearsed speeches and party loyalists singing his praises. It demands answers.
What has happened to the promises made in 2023? What tangible relief have millions of struggling households received? How should Nigerians assess the consequences of petrol subsidy removal and naira reforms? What is the administration’s scorecard on electricity, food prices, employment, insecurity and the cost of living?
These are not questions that can be wished away by delegating campaign appearances to governors and party leaders. They are questions that belong to the President.
THE PEOPLE ARE NOT FOOLS
Across the country, the mood is unmistakable: Nigerians want to be heard. From the trader counting the dwindling contents of her purse to the worker whose salary struggles to survive the month, from the farmer threatened by insecurity to the young graduate searching desperately for employment, the public is entitled to demand a reckoning.
For many citizens, the election will not be an abstract contest of political slogans. It will be a verdict on their lived experience.
That is why Tinubu’s proposed absence from some campaign stops has struck such a sensitive nerve. To his critics, it suggests an unwillingness to confront public anger. Some have questioned his physical fitness; others believe he may be reluctant to defend his administration’s performance. These are allegations, not established facts. The President’s decision alone does not prove that he is unwell or afraid of voters.
Nevertheless, he should understand the political consequences of leaving such questions unanswered. In politics, a vacuum rarely remains empty. Suspicion rushes in where explanation is absent.
If the President is physically capable of discharging his duties, he should have no reason to leave Nigerians guessing about his willingness to engage them. If health or other legitimate considerations constrain his campaign schedule, he should communicate his plans clearly. Nigerians deserve honesty, not speculation.
Silence may be convenient, but it is a poor campaign strategy.
GOVERNANCE IS NOT A SHIELD
The argument that the President must remain focused on governance sounds reasonable. Indeed, Nigeria cannot afford a government that abandons its responsibilities whenever politicians hit the campaign trail.
But the same argument raises another question: what exactly is the President doing with the time he saves by skipping campaign stops, and how will Nigerians see the benefits?
If governance is the priority, then the evidence should be visible in improved security, greater economic stability, reliable electricity, better access to essential services and a meaningful reduction in the hardship confronting ordinary families.
The President cannot invoke the demands of governance as a shield against political scrutiny while asking the same citizens to renew his mandate. The two responsibilities are not mutually exclusive. A president can govern and explain his governance. He can attend to national business and still make himself available to voters.
Nor should the APC confuse the ability to organise rallies with the ability to win public confidence. Party machinery can mobilise crowds. Governors can deliver speeches. Spokespersons can defend policy. But none of them can erase the consequences of decisions taken by the President.
The mandate belongs to Tinubu. So does the responsibility to defend it.
THE OPPOSITION MUST DO MORE THAN SHOUT
Opposition figures, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have seized on the President’s position to question his commitment to accountability. The Labour Party and the Makinde/Daura Presidential Campaign Organisation have also criticised the plan.
Their central argument—that a president seeking re-election should personally defend his record—is persuasive. But criticism alone is not a credible alternative to leadership.
The opposition must do more than exploit public frustration. It must present workable policies, credible economic proposals, a serious security strategy and a clear plan for restoring public confidence. Nigerians deserve alternatives, not merely louder accusations.
Claims about poverty, economic failure, insecurity and government performance should be supported by verifiable evidence, not inflated for political effect. A campaign that demands accountability from the incumbent must be prepared to practise it itself.
Democracy suffers when the ruling party evades scrutiny. It suffers equally when opposition parties substitute rhetoric for substance.
THE PRESIDENCY IS NOT A PARTY HEADQUARTERS
There is another troubling issue in this controversy: the use of the Presidential Villa for the inauguration of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.
The Presidency is a public institution, not the private property of a political party. The President is entitled to lead his party and campaign for re-election, but the distinction between official state functions and partisan political activities must remain clear.
Public institutions must not be made to appear subordinate to party interests. The symbolism matters, particularly in a democracy where public trust is already under pressure. The appropriate rules governing the use of official premises and public resources must be respected without exception.
The President should set the standard, not leave Nigerians wondering whether the lines between state and party have become dangerously blurred.
FACE THE PEOPLE
Tinubu is under no obligation to conduct an exhausting, state-by-state campaign simply to satisfy political theatrics. Campaign schedules must accommodate legitimate security, administrative and personal considerations. No responsible editorial judgment should demand that a president jeopardise his health or neglect urgent national duties for the sake of appearances.
But there is a difference between not visiting every state and refusing to account for one's stewardship.
The President can publish a transparent record of his administration’s achievements and failures. He can hold substantive town halls, grant unscripted interviews, answer questions from citizens and journalists, and ensure that his campaign team presents verifiable evidence rather than political slogans. He can also visit a representative cross-section of states while explaining clearly why other stops may not be possible.
What he cannot reasonably expect is that Nigerians will accept delegation as a substitute for accountability.
Ultimately, the 2027 election must be about more than who can draw the biggest crowd or deliver the most electrifying speech. It must be about performance, policy, integrity and the willingness to answer difficult questions.
Tinubu has the right to seek another term. Nigerians have an even more fundamental right to scrutinise that ambition.
A second-term mandate is not a gift to be collected. It is a verdict to be earned.
The President should therefore face the nation with candour, defend his record with evidence and explain why he deserves another four years. If his achievements speak for themselves, let him present them. If his policies have delivered the promised gains, let him demonstrate them. If mistakes have been made, let him acknowledge them and explain what he intends to do differently.
No surrogate can do this convincingly on his behalf.
In the final analysis, the campaign may belong to the APC, but the verdict belongs to Nigerians. Their hardship cannot be delegated. Their questions cannot be outsourced. And their votes cannot be commanded.
Tinubu must face the people—not because every campaign rally is sacred, but because accountability is.