A taste of what the people of Ekiti State could suffer in the hands of their governor-elect, Ayo Fayose, became obvious on Thursday as Fayose ordered the beating of a judge at the Ado-Ekiti High Court premises of the Governorship Election Petition Tribunal, after landing a slap on the judge's face.
His action caused stampede as people who had visited the court to watch the proceeding scampered in different directions. The judge and other court officials escaped through various exits, thus stalling the day's proceeding.
Trouble started when Justice John Adeyeye, the sitting’s presiding judge, complained about security in the court premises following the menacing crowd of pro-Fayose thugs that had stormed the court.
Witnesses report that the judge had approached Fayose to instruct his "supporters" to give the court premises a distance, but Fayose got angry and shouted the judge down.
Obviously irritated by the judge’s persistence at explaining reasons why the crowd should not be in the premises, Fayose slapped the judge and ordered the thugs to beat him up.
Immediately he gave the order, about 20 thugs descended on the judge. He was beaten up and his clothes torn with nobody to rescue him, judiciary workers who witnessed the incident said.
As a result, the court urgently shut down activities and all officials disappeared from of the premises.
The police later stormed the place, fired teargas to ward off Fayose’s goons before taking Adeyeye to a private hospital where he is receiving treatment.
Thugs had earlier on Monday attacked a judge and some petitioners who wanted the court to decide on Fayose’s eligibility for the governorship election held on 21st June. Some of the injured victims of the attack are still in the hospital.
Condemnation Trails Fayose`s Actions
Meanwhile Minister of State for Works, Prince Adedayo Adeyeye has warned the E-11 group not to throw the state into chaos by attempting to use the suit it instituted to circumvent the will of Ekiti people freely expressed at the 21st June polls with the overwhelming election of Mr Ayodele Fayose as their governor.
Adeyeye, who described the desperate manner in which the E-11 case was being pursued as an assault on Ekiti people, added that why couldn't those in E-11 mobilise Ekiti people to vote against Fayose and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the polls.
In a press release issued on Thursday and signed by the Minister, he said; "Ekiti people have spoken loudly on June 21 and I think what we should all do is to respect the wish of the people and in the interest of the State and its people, pray for the incoming administration to succeed."
He said by electing their governor in such a transparent and peaceful manner, Ekiti people had shown to the outside world that they were civilised and capable of setting the pace in electioneering in Nigeria.
Adeyeye added: "No individual or group should do anything that will rubbish the good image Ekiti people built for themselves and the State with the June 21 election.
"Fayemi, who lost the election, congratulated the winner less than 24 hours after the election. In preparation for the inauguration of Fayose as the next governor of Ekiti State, a Transition Committee has been set up by the State Government.
"Therefore, trying to to obtain back-door judgment in a bid to truncate the inauguration of Fayose on October 16 is not in the interest of Ekiti State and its people and those in the E-11 should be made to know this.
"Most importantly, Ekiti people have the inalienable rights to choose whoever they like as their governor, and they have done that on June 21, 2014. E-11 and their sponsors should therefore leave Ekiti people alone to be governed by the man they freely gave their mandate on June 21."
Reacting to the “power drunk” behaviour of the governor-elect, the Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders (CACOL) berated Fayose and his supporters. The Coalition through its Executive Chairman, Mr. Debo Adeniran condemned the action, calling for the hooligans’ immediate arrest and prosecution.
Adeniran said: “It is preposterous that a judge could be beaten up in this democratic dispensation. Nigeria must not be drawn back into the dark ages where rulers acted with impunity.
If Fayose does not have any issue to hide, why prevent the court from sitting? A similar scenario played out on Monday when suspected PDP thugs stormed the high court premises, attacked the trial judge, some litigants and judicial workers in the bid to prevent hearing in a case to determine Mr. Fayose’s eligibility for the June 21 governorship election.
“A situation whereby a governor-elect desecrates the third arm of his government-to-be, calls to question his victory at the polls.
“If Fayose does not have anything to hide, he should allow the court to sit. If he was actually eligible to contest, why prevent the judiciary from determining that? This case must not be swept under the carpet. The action is highly reprehensible and all those who got involved, from Fayose himself, must be promptly arrested, arraigned and adequately punished to serve as deterrent to other power-drunk leaders.”
Ekiti Govt, Lawyers to Sue Fayose over Assault on Judge
For daring to slap a High Court Judge sitting in Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, the governor-elect, Ayo Fayose, will face multiple suits, Huhuonline.com can reveal.
Fayose assaulted Justice John Adeyeye for complaining about the menacing number of thugs that stormed the court premises for a sitting of the state Governorship Election Petition Tribunal and urging the governor-elect to help instruct them to move away from the court premises.
A similar incident had occurred on Monday when thugs loyal to Fayose took the court by storm, beating up petitioners who had sought the court to decide if Fayose had the integrity to govern the state.
On Thursday, several vehicles belonging to lawyers, judges and other judiciary workers were vandalised in addition to victims who suffered various degrees of injury.
It was also learnt that the Police looked the other way while the thugs held sway at the court premises.
The judges, lawyers and other staff took to their heels to escape attack by the thugs. Judiciary workers later shut down courts in the state saying they were no longer safe.
The Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice of Ekiti State, Mr. Olawale Fapohunda, who reacted to the incident on Thursday evening, said he was suing on Fayose, but holding his lawyers responsible since they should have told him how to behave in court.
He said Fayose had suddenly become power-drunk banking on support from the presidency.
According to him, other lawyers who were either attacked or whose properties got lost and whose vehicles were vandalised would sue the governor-elect while the judge would take his case to the National Judicial Council.
Fapohunda maintained that the attack led by Fayose is dangerous for democracy and the principle of separation of power.
Meanwhile, the state Chief Judge, A. Daramola, has ordered all courts in the state to shut down until adequate security measures are put in place.
In a statement signed by the Chief Registrar, Obafemi Fasanmi, the Chief Judge noted "with increasing concern" the spate of attacks perpetrated by political thugs and their persistent presence in the premises of the high court Ado Ekiti in the past few days.
The statement said: "the sitting was disrupted and taken over. The judge was ferried to safety by police after he was threatened by the militants.
"On Thursday, another set of thugs invaded the premises of a court presided over by J.O Adedeye by beating up and tearing his suit while Police on guard looked unconcerned and uninterested as judges, magistrates, and other members of staff had to run for their lives while court properties were damaged.
"The court room of the Hon. Chief Judge was not spared in the orgy of assault and destruction as members of staff attached to his office were beaten up and his court record book torn into pieces by these political thugs who also invaded and disrupted proceedings at the election petition tribunal within the High Court premises in Ado Ekiti."
Fayose's Accuse APC of complicity in the assassination of his supporter
Ekiti State Governor-Elect, Mr Ayodele Fayose, has raised the alarm over the desperation of leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to at all cost scuttle his inauguration by causing mayhem in the state that could lead to a declaration of a State of Emergency.
In a statement on Thursday night by his Chief Press Secretary, Mr Idowu Adelusi, in Ado-Ekiti, he said their act of desperation started manifesting with the assassination of a PDP member and staunch supporter of Fayose, Chief Omolafe Aderiye, by APC thugs in Ado-Ekiti on Thursday night.
Aderiye, a former Ekiti State Chairman of the. National Union of Road Transport Workers ( NURTW) was killed at the front of his office opposite Ijigbo Roundabout, Ado Ekiti at about 8.30pm on Thursday by three APC gun men wearing police uniform and bullet proof vest.
Aderiye had followed Fayose to the Tribunal sitting on Thursday.
"When we raised the alarm few days ago about the desperation of APC leaders and members to cause trouble in the state and that they are threatening our leaders and members, some people thought we were only making noise.
"Only on Monday, they tried to use the judiciary to steal the mandate freely given His Excellency,Dr Ayodele Fayose, by conniving with some heartless and conscienceless judicial officers. It was God who exposed their evil deeds.
"Now, they have assassinated Omolafe Aderiye, who was not only a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but was the one who coordinated our security during the campaign for the June 21 governorship election which we won convincingly.
"We call on the Inspector General of Police, the Director General of the Department of State Security Service and all security agencies to fish out the killers of Aderiye.
"The APC and their evil collaborators must know that there is no hiding place for them. Their evil deeds will always be exposed. The good people of Ekiti State who freely gave Fayose the mandate to lead them by God's grace for the next four years are ready to stand and ensure the actualisation of the mandate," he said.
The CPS added that no amount of intimidation and harassment by the APC would deter the incoming PDP government from providing quality leadership for the people of the state.
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The Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, has offered whistleblowers between 2.5 per cent and 5 per cent of recovered stolen Nigerian assets held abroad for information that leads to their recovery.
Olukoyede disclosed this on Wednesday while delivering a lecture at the Cambridge International Symposium on Economic Crime in the United Kingdom.
According to him, the ability of EFCC operatives to trace assets, cooperation from the judiciary and access to credible intelligence have played important roles in the commission’s success in securing non-conviction-based forfeiture orders.
He also described the EFCC as having some of the best investigators in the world and stressed the importance of protecting and encouraging whistleblowers.
He said anyone with credible information about stolen Nigerian assets taken or hidden anywhere in the world could receive between 2.5 per cent and 5 per cent of the recovered assets as an incentive, with payment made after the recovery.
Olukoyede further revealed that the EFCC had forfeited cash and assets worth more than $500 million to the Federal Government within the past three years.
He cited several cases involving the recovery and forfeiture of assets, including cases linked to a former Chairman of the Central Bank of Nigeria and a former Attorney-General of the Federation.
The EFCC chairman explained that the commission is legally empowered to seek the forfeiture of suspected proceeds of crime by applying to the High Court for an order. He said the process is similar to procedures used in countries such as Australia and Canada.
Olukoyede also recalled a case involving an aircraft allegedly acquired by an individual who was accused of receiving about $30 million in bribes in connection with a power project. He said the aircraft was forfeited about three months ago and had subsequently been added to the presidential air fleet.
He also referred to a property containing about 753 housing units that was forfeited from a former CBN governor, against whom the EFCC has filed criminal charges in three courts.
Speaking about the immediate past Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, Olukoyede said the EFCC opened an investigation following allegations of abuse of office. He claimed that investigators traced about 57 properties to Malami and that approximately 48 of them had been forfeited.
The EFCC chairman further mentioned the forfeiture of a private university allegedly linked to a director in the Federal Ministry of Health. According to him, the official voluntarily surrendered the property following the commission’s investigation.
Olukoyede said the measures demonstrate the importance of asset tracing, international cooperation, credible intelligence and whistleblower protection in the fight against financial crime and the recovery of stolen public assets.
The Dangote Petroleum Refinery has raised concerns over the growing volume of imported petrol entering Nigeria, warning that it could be forced to export more of its own production if the trend continues.
The refinery said imported Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) made up roughly 43 per cent of the petrol supplied to the Nigerian market in July. It argued that the development was creating serious difficulties for a domestic refinery with the capacity to produce enough fuel for the country.
Dangote Refinery explained that it has maintained sizeable petrol reserves since commencing operations to ensure that consumers across Nigeria have access to a reliable supply. Keeping those reserves, it noted, requires substantial expenditure on storage, transportation and working capital.
However, the refinery said the continued granting of import licences without adequate information about expected import volumes has made it increasingly difficult to determine how much petrol should be produced and stored for the local market.
The company said holding large quantities of petrol becomes financially burdensome when there is no certainty about how much imported fuel will compete for the same market. It therefore considers exporting surplus stocks a more commercially viable option than allowing them to remain in storage indefinitely.
According to the refinery, increased exports in recent months should not be interpreted as evidence that Nigeria lacks sufficient refining capacity. Instead, the exports are being driven by excess stock resulting from unpredictable import volumes.
Dangote Refinery maintained that it remains fully committed to supplying the Nigerian market and has the capacity to meet or surpass the country's petrol requirements. It said its decision to export surplus products was aimed at managing inventory efficiently and avoiding unnecessary storage and financing expenses.
The refinery also warned that market disruptions caused by excessive imports could make it harder for domestic refiners to accurately predict demand. Any resulting supply problems, it said, should not automatically be blamed on local refineries.
It urged regulators and other industry stakeholders to improve transparency around petrol imports and strengthen coordination within the downstream petroleum market.
The company argued that policies that give greater support to domestic refining would help Nigeria reduce its dependence on imported fuel, conserve foreign exchange, strengthen energy security and maximise the economic benefits of investments in local refining infrastructure.
Dangote Refinery said it remains prepared to supply the country but stressed that a more predictable and transparent market environment is necessary for efficient production and inventory management.
Business
In The Spotlight
A group of heartless carpetbaggers have captured the Nigerian state, and it appears that they, their biological and political descendants, will hold the levers of government and access to Nigeria’s commonwealth for a long time to come.
When you consider news reports of how previous and current state actors steal public funds, buy choice properties in the toniest districts of Nigeria’s major cities, acquire private jets, and even establish private universities, you wonder if some people have more than two heads, to adopt a Yoruba phrase.
Either because of an inability to deliver the greatest good to the greatest number of Nigerian citizens, or by intention, the political elite have kept the people poor, causing them to depend on the largeness of heart of the same elite to meet their existential needs.
That explains why poor, downtrodden, and unconnected Nigerians eagerly collect crumbs of measly N5,000, rice, gari and whatever else the politicians offer to obtain their election votes or acquiescence after rigging the elections.
When watching an economically disadvantaged individual tell a politician who is seeking to become a legislator the good news that his wife just had a new baby, and he needed to prepare for the naming ceremony, it felt like the oppressed poor were enabling his oppressor to further oppress him.
It was like the classic case of Stockholm syndrome, of victims collaborating with their “captors” to cement the oppressive stranglehold that they already had over the state and the commonwealth of the nation, thus unwittingly arresting their own future development.
A running mate to a former governorship candidate in a Southwestern state hilariously regaled Nigerians with the story of how constituents would have raided all the alcoholic drinks in his refrigerator in the early hours of the morning, even before he woke from the hectic campaign tour of the previous day.
The political elite have practically cornered the Nigerian state for themselves, children, tribesmen and acolytes, and have devised a way to admit only those that they have found to be loyal, or pliable, into their rank of oppressors.
The oppression of the citizens of Nigeria is easily accomplished because of the high illiteracy level amongst the poor masses. The use of the weapon of illiteracy is more evident in Northern Nigeria, whose political leaders somehow turn a blind eye to the illiteracy and underdevelopment of their people.
In 2024, UNICEF revealed that out of Nigeria’s 18.3 million out-of-school children, about 12.1 million, or 66 per cent, were resident in the Northwest and Northeast regions. Yet, instead of expanding educational facilities and opportunities, some Northern governors are arranging mass weddings for children who are hardly out of their teen years.
And this is not to deny the weaponisation of illiteracy even in Obafemi Awolowo’s Western Region, which is regarded as the Athens of Nigeria, after its pre-Independence head start of free, universal and compulsory primary school education.
As if he had a premonition that Nigeria’s so-called democrats would eventually compromise education, to the detriment of the lowest and marginalised masses, that Karl Marx described as the “lumpen proletariat”, French political thinker Montesquieu argued a long time ago that “It is in a republican government that the whole power of education is required.”
Western Nigeria’s free education scheme was gradually abandoned from the days of the Second Republic when some Yoruba members of President Shehu Shagari’s political party knocked it off its bottom with the argument that “qualitative” education was better than “free” education.
It is more than a shame that a free, universal and compulsory primary school education scheme was abandoned under President Shagari, who not only was a trained teacher, but had a career as a teacher before his political career.
Awolowo had warned Nigeria’s political elite with the following quip: “The children of the poor that you failed to educate will not let your children sleep peacefully.” The insecurity that currently occurs in nearly every part of Nigeria only drives Awolowo’s point home.
Probably the realm of the Nigerian republic that has been most complicit with the carpetbagger political elite is the media, whose members either serve the elites as press secretaries who kill media brushfires, or editors who either run planted stories, or spike stories that the politicians do not want published.
The media is so compromised that it can hardly perform those responsibilities assigned to it by Section 22 of the Nigerian Constitution, which are to “be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in (Chapter II of the Constitution) and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people.”
Some apologists have argued on behalf of the media that the political elite have so run the economy aground that the media, which can only thrive as commercial enterprises within Nigeria’s quasi-capitalist economy, cannot stay afloat, especially with the devastating inroads that the digital media are making into their audience, advertising revenue and profit.
The absence of regional economies, the argument goes, prevents the emergence of regional newspapers that can thrive on advertising revenues from regional companies, the way it obtains in the economies of North America and Western Europe. Many Nigerian newspapers, that are essentially regional, often pretend to be national to receive advertising revenue from companies whose market is national.
Two other collaborators of the political elite are the election management agencies and the judiciary at both the national and sub-national levels of government. The conspiracy between these agencies and the political elite is almost like that of Siamese twins conjoined by the belly button.
After the election management agencies may have deliberately bungled (especially) governorship and legislative house elections, and declared false reports, the losers, who felt that they won the election, would then approach the temple of justice, with significant financial inducement to ask for justice(?).
From that point on, the justice that both contestants hope to corruptly obtain could swing according to the heft of the naira in the Ghana-must-go bag that they will be hauling into the chambers of the denizens of the corrupted judiciary.
Thus, the “award” of electoral justice is “a matter of cash”, to quote Basi, the protagonist of “Basi & Co”, the television sitcom produced by environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, who himself was denied justice from the judiciary that served the regime of General Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s most notorious military dictator.
In Nigeria, the lines of separation of powers that demarcate the duties of the three arms of government –the legislative, executive and judiciary– and the checks and balances that empower each arm to check the others have become almost irredeemably blurred.
As legislators use constituency projects as a ploy to carry out the functions of the executive, the president issues executive orders that are essentially legislative in nature. Though the judiciary does not perform the duties of the other arms, it fails to check them as it indulgently winks at their excesses.
If those who are regarded as Nigeria’s political elite really know what is in their enlightened self-interest and would like to protect the future of their descendants from what Thomas Hobbes described as a short, brutish and nasty existence, they will use their current privilege to correct the evil they have done to Nigerians.
They must urgently redeem the future before it delivers violence against their children.
By Lekan Sote
In The Spotlight
Lagos alone is worth more than Botswana, Namibia, Rwanda and Mauritius combined.
Let that sink in.
With an economy of N41.17tn — about $102bn in 2021 — Lagos State dwarfed the entire gross domestic products of four countries. Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa sit on oil wealth that funds nations. Ogun, Anambra and Imo churn out goods, services and commerce that would make small economies jealous.
By the numbers, Nigeria’s states are giants.
But walk the streets of Lagos, and you will still find mothers cooking with firewood. Drive through Port Harcourt, and you will see communities drinking water polluted by the same oil that makes the state’s GDP glow. Visit Umuahia, Abeokuta, or Minna and ask the average trader what “trillion-naira economy” means to her dinner table.
The answer is: nothing.
That viral video telling you “10 Nigerian states are richer than countries” is both true and a lie. True, because the 2021 BudgIT figures don’t lie — Lagos at N41.17trn, Rivers at N7.96trn, and so on. A lie, because those numbers are GDP, not prosperity. They measure how much economic activity happens _in_ a place, not how much of it reaches the people who live there.
A country with $7,778 GDP per capita, like Botswana, will still feed its citizens better than a state with $102bn in total output but $2,058 per capita, like Nigeria. A state can host a port, an oil rig, and a tech hub, yet fail to build a hospital that works.
So, the real question isn’t “Which state is bigger than which country?”
The real question, and the one our governors should lose sleep over, is this: When your economy is bigger than a nation, why are your people still living like they have nothing?
In this edition of The Bottomline, we follow the money from GDP to the gutter — and ask why Nigeria’s trillion-naira states have not become trillion-naira lives.
The viral numbers are not new. They were lifted straight from BudgIT’s 2022 State of States report and reflected 2021 estimates: Lagos at N41.17tn, followed by Rivers at N7.96tn, Akwa Ibom at N7.77tn, Imo at N7.68tn, Delta at N6.19tn, Anambra at N5.14tn, Ondo at N5.10tn, Ogun at N5.03tn, Bayelsa at N4.63tn and Niger at N4.58tn.
The trick is in the timing. To pitch those 2021 figures against 2025 country GDPs is statistical fraud. Nigeria has since rebased. The NBS moved the base year from 2010 to 2019, and the whole map shifted. Lagos itself has moved on: its 2025 _Lagos Economic Development Update_ puts the state at N43.06tn in 2023, with forecasts of N54.77tn for 2024 and N66.47tn for 2025. Those are projections, not fresh NBS post-rebasing observations, but they tell you the direction: up.
There is no debate that Lagos is Nigeria’s economic engine. From a colonial port to federal capital until 1991, it never lost momentum. Today, trade, manufacturing, ports, telecoms, tech, entertainment, real estate and finance all cluster in just 3,345 square kilometres. Compare that footprint to Botswana’s 581,730 sq km, Namibia’s 825,615 sq km, Rwanda’s 26,338 sq km, and Mauritius’ 2,040 sq km. Yet in 2021, Lagos’ $102 billion economy was several times larger than Botswana’s $19.9bn, Namibia’s $15.1bn, Rwanda’s $16.4bn, and Mauritius’ $16.2bn, according to 2025 World Bank figures.
That comparison is legitimate. The conclusion people draw from it is not.
GDP tells you how much value was produced in a territory. It does not tell you who owns it, who earns it, or whether the roads work, the lights stay on, or the hospital has drugs.
A state can run a trillion-naira economy and still have mothers boiling water on firewood. A country can have a smaller GDP and deliver a better life. Look at the per capita numbers: Botswana at $7,778, Namibia at $5,309, Mauritius at $11,819. Nigeria sits at about $2,058. Even Rwanda, at just $773 per capita, has pushed its $3-a-day poverty rate down to 38.6 per cent — proof that size is not destiny.
The oil states expose the fraud most brutally. Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa rank high because petroleum inflates their GDP. But oil wealth does not flow into state coffers in equal measure, and it certainly does not flow into household wallets. BudgIT’s own fiscal sustainability index proves this. In 2022, Rivers topped overall fiscal performance despite Lagos having the biggest economy. A big economy without revenue discipline, jobs, and services is just a billboard.
Nigeria does not have a GDP problem. We have a translation problem.
We have pockets of enormous economic power. Lagos. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Ogun. Anambra. Delta. The output is real. What is missing is the bridge between that output and ordinary life.
Until economic activity creates real jobs, until IGR rises and addiction to federal allocation falls, until infrastructure supports production instead of strangling it, those trillion-naira figures will remain a cruel joke.
So let the video go viral. Let Lagos be “bigger than Botswana”.
But governors, commissioners, and citizens should ask only one question:
If my state can outproduce a country, why can’t it out-deliver a decent life for the people who call it home?
Until we answer that, we are not rich. We are just big.
By Raphael Mbamalu